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No News Is Bad News
When promises of fighting corruption become ‘bullshit’
KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 7, 2026: Politicians and the Government can promise endlessly to fight graft but it becomes “bullshit” when they do not preach what they promise.
“Freeing” a pencuri (thief) by giving him a “discount” on jail sentence and reducing a court fine, and then placing him on house arrest to enjoy his ill-gotten gains and luxury does nothing to any so-called effort to fight graft/corruption.
Disgraced and former Umno president and prime minister Najib “1MDB” Razak is no ordinary pencuri as he abused his power as prime minister and stole millions, if not billions, of Ringgit from the rakyat dan negara (people and country).
And the rakyat dan negara need to pay interest and principal debts until 2039.
🗓️ Payment Timeline
Malaysia must continue paying off its remaining 1MDB debts until 2039, when the final government-guaranteed Islamic medium-term notes (sukuk) mature. [1]
📌 Current Debt Status
· Remaining Liability: RM8.9 billion ($2.8 billion) in outstanding principal and interest. [1]
· Final Settlement: A RM5 billion principal payment plus accrued interest is scheduled for 2039. [1]
· Total Paid to Date: RM42.5 billion has been disbursed by the government as of mid-2026. [1]
· Asset Recoveries: RM31.3 billion has been recovered, leaving an uncovered potential shortfall/loss of around RM20.1 billion. [1]
No News Is Bad News reproduces below two articles found in electronic social media trying to figure out why the majority of Malays support the corrupt or embrace corruption, and continue to support Barisan Nasional-Umno, a party of many corrupt leaders.
*What Hassan Abdul Karim did in Parliament today was rare in modern Malaysian politics:* he connected anti-corruption rhetoric to the credibility of the justice system itself — and did so openly, on the record, in front of the government he nominally supports.
That matters.
1. The question cuts straight through the theatre
Hassan’s intervention was not emotional grandstanding. It was a logical indictment:
How can the country wage an all-out war against corruption when convicted elites later receive “discounts” on punishment?
This is not a partisan question. It is a systemic one.
Anti-corruption does not fail because of lack of slogans.
It fails when punishment becomes negotiable for the powerful.
1. Why invoking the King makes this moment explosive
Hassan deliberately framed his criticism around the royal decree by Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar, who called for an all-out war against corruption.
That framing does two things:
1. It elevates the issue above party politics
2. It exposes the contradiction between declared national values and actual elite behaviour
When an MP says, in effect, “Tuanku, forgive me, but how can this war be real when justice is unequal?” — he is highlighting a credibility crisis, not challenging the monarchy.
1. “Discounts” are more corrosive than acquittals
This is the part many politicians avoid saying.
A controversial acquittal can be debated legally.
A post-conviction “discount” destroys moral authority.
Why?
Because it tells the public:
• Courts may convict you
• But status can still soften consequences
• Accountability is not final
That is fatal to deterrence.
In anti-corruption theory, certainty of punishment matters more than severity. When certainty disappears for elites, corruption becomes rational behaviour — not a risk.
1. This is an indictment of the system, not just individuals
Hassan was careful not to name names — but everyone knows what he was referring to.
That restraint is important. It signals that the problem is structural:
• Executive influence after convictions
• Selective mercy perceived as elite privilege
• Unequal application of justice
When ordinary Malaysians see:
• Small offenders jailed without mercy
• Powerful figures convicted, then relieved
They do not see compassion.
They see class justice.
1. Why this hits harder coming from a PKR veteran
Hassan is not opposition. He is not PN. He is not an outsider.
He comes from the Reformasi tradition — the same moral lineage that once promised:
• Rule of law
• Equality before the law
• No sacred cows
That is why his question is so uncomfortable for the government.
It suggests that even within PKR, there is unease that the movement’s founding promises are being diluted by power.
1. The unspoken implication: credibility is already bleeding
An “all-out war against corruption” cannot coexist with:
• Perceived elite exemptions
• Post-conviction leniency for the powerful
• Silence from institutions when credibility is questioned
You cannot ask civil servants, businesses, or citizens to fear the law if the law bends upward.
That is not reform. That is optics.
Final takeaway, Hassan Abdul Karim did not attack the King. He defended the King’s words by asking whether the system lives up to them.
And his question lingers:
If conviction is not the end for elites, if punishment can still be negotiated, then who exactly is this war against corruption meant for?
Until that question is answered honestly, every anti-corruption slogan will sound hollow — no matter who says it, or from which throne it is declared.
A theory on why Malays accept corrupt leaders
Education, economy, religion and party sentiment are said to be among the factors influencing Malays’ attitudes towards corruption.
There is a question that many non-Malays often ask me, and recently even my wife has raised it: why are Najib Razak and Umno still embraced by Malays, from kampung folk to those with tertiary education?
This question resurfaced following Najib’s conditional pardon allowing for house arrest and Umno’s significant victories in Johor and Negeri Sembilan.
In this article, I present my theory. Readers may find the issue worthy of a research project, or even a PhD thesis!
Reason one: taxation
Many Malays pay little or no tax. For example, my two children, both university graduates, earn about RM4,000 per month and contribute only a few ringgit in taxes. I, on the other hand, pay a substantial amount in tax, but a high-earning non-Malay friend pays four times more than I do.
Because many Malays do not feel the weight of taxation, corruption involving public funds does not resonate with them. To them, money for the people comes from a Malay-led government. As long as salaries, festive aid and allowances arrive, they are content.
Reason two: government employment
A large proportion of Malays work in government. The civil service and political leadership are overwhelmingly Malay – about 80%. Salaries are paid every month, so even if corruption drains RM40 billion, Malay wages remain unaffected.
People may say the country is drowning in debt due to 1MDB, but salaries still come in. Why then should the Malays worry about corruption?
If salaries were withheld for even one month, Umno would collapse and Najib would be cursed. But as long as salaries and allowances flow, corruption has no impact.
Reason three: lack of awareness
Civil servants and Malay businessmen are rarely told that their wages and development allocations – roads, schools, infrastructure – are funded largely by taxes paid by non-Malays employed outside government.
The plundering of billions through corruption does not strike home because Malays do not feel the burden of national debt. Thus, corrupt leaders chosen by Malays borrow from external sources while siphoning off wealth that rightfully belongs to the people.
Reason four: Islamic education
Whether at school or university, this issue is never taught. Even Islamic education avoids it, focusing instead on moral issues like alcohol, gambling and pork.
There are three aspects of Islam that cause corruption to be accepted or ignored:
· Religious education itself: I have reviewed thousands of Friday sermons, and none explains how tax money becomes salaries or development funds. Corruption is treated as a minor sin, distant and irrelevant to ordinary people.
· Political sermons: Some religious teachers from political parties justify corruption, claiming it is not punishable under hudud because it is absent from classical fiqh texts. So, stealing RM200 shoes may warrant amputation but embezzling RM40 billion is not mentioned. As a result, corruption is seen as less serious than drinking alcohol, not wearing the headscarf, or failing to vote for an Islamic party.
· Preachers from abroad: Some insist that Muslims must vote for Muslim candidates, even if they are weak or immoral, as long as they are Muslim. This is compounded by political parties promising heaven for those who vote for them. Thus, corruption, slander and insults will be tolerated if the party claims to uphold Islam in politics.
Reason five: party benefits
Malays receive benefits – haj trips, kitchen aid, bicycles – from Malay parties. No one ever asks where the money comes from.
At restaurants, Malays check for halal certificates, but when receiving party contributions, they never question the source of funds.
Reason six: the DAP bogeyman
This is the most classic and effective reason: vote for Malay or Islamic parties to prevent DAP from ruling. My wife’s retiree friends recently admitted voting for Umno out of fear that DAP would take over in Johor and Negeri Sembilan.
Malays have never compared the number of DAP members convicted of corruption against Malays from Malay parties.
All they care about is blocking DAP from coming to power because it is a party of infidels. Malays believe it is their religious duty as Muslims to prevent DAP from winning, and in doing so, they feel assured of heaven.
With no proper education at schools, universities or mosques about the impact of corruption, Malays will continue to support parties steeped in it.
I believe that until the end of time, Malays will not change but will go on backing corrupt parties in Malaysia.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
