Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia
No News Is Bad News
A racist trying to justify racism
KUALA LUMPUR, July 28, 2026: No News Is Bad News reproduces below a Facebook post which was cleverly written to justify racism.
The writer is clearly anti-meritocracy, anti-justice and discriminatory to non-Malays, anti national unity and harmony and anti-multi-racial Malaysians..
He or she only wants total control of everything for Malays, unfairly sidelining the rights of non-Malay Malaysians.
It is only about political power, power and power. Not Malaysian Malaysia. Nothing else and nothing must be equal!
He or she laments and goes on rambling about how the Malays have lost power. Really, why then are the many discriminatory socio-economic policies, like in education and economics, are still in place?
Read the below (in English and Bahasa Malaysia) and form your own opinion or judgment:
Nazrin Ramlan
(Bahasa Melayu Translation Below)
1. Malaysians often comfort themselves with numbers and symbols. Malays are the majority. The Prime Minister is Malay. The Rulers are Malay. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong is Malay. Therefore, it is confidently said that the Malays will never lose this country. This belief is comforting, but history shows that it is also naïve.
2. Countries are not lost because the majority disappears. They are lost when the majority loses real power while still holding symbols of authority. Political office without economic control is merely ceremonial.
3. The economy was taken first. Politics followed. A Malay remains at the front, a puppet, while decisions are made by the puppeteers elsewhere.
4. This is not a new phenomenon. In 1964, Malaysia held its first elections. Tunku Abdul Rahman had an understanding with the Chief Minister of Singapore, Mr Lee Kuan Yew, that the PAP would contest only in Singapore and stay out of the Peninsula. It was an unwritten understanding, a mistake in politics.
5. It was therefore not surprising when the PAP decided to contest in the Peninsula. Lee believed that Malaysian Chinese voters, then represented mainly by the MCA, could be persuaded to support him. If MCA fell, PAP could replace it in the Alliance.
6. The PAP was largely a Chinese party, but it never admitted this openly. To succeed in Malaysia, it had to appeal to Chinese chauvinism without appearing chauvinistic. Lee Kuan Yew was too astute to be crude.
7. He introduced a slogan that sounded inclusive but struck deeply at Chinese sentiment, “Malaysian Malaysia.” It appeared to call for equality, but in reality it denied historical imbalance and Malay vulnerability.
8. The Malays understood the danger. They saw the prospect of Peninsula Chinese combining with Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak Chinese to politically outnumber them. Divided between UMNO and PAS, Malay dominance was no longer guaranteed.
9. The PAP failed to defeat the MCA. But the damage was done. Tunku realised that Singapore’s inclusion posed a grave risk. One year later, Singapore was expelled from Malaysia.
10. However, the PAP’s ideological legacy did not disappear. It was inherited by the DAP. “Malaysian Malaysia” evolved into a more refined and powerful slogan “Meritocracy.”
11. If “Malaysian Malaysia” implied equality, meritocracy implies something more dangerous, dominance by those with the greatest advantage, in education, business, and all fields of endeavour.
12. Meritocracy is only fair if everyone starts from the same line. Malaysia never did. To impose meritocracy on an unequal society is not justice. It is punishment disguised as fairness.
13. DAP understands this reality very well. That is why it never says “this is for Chinese” or “this will disadvantage Malays.” Such language would be exposed as racist. Instead, it uses polite, progressive language, merit, reform, equality.
14. The same method is used in urban redevelopment. No one says, “This city is for Chinese.” Instead, they say, “We are building modern, world-class housing.” Prices are then set at levels Malays cannot afford.
15. Malays are not expelled by force. They are priced out. If local Chinese cannot buy, foreigners can, from Singapore or China. Malays lose land, leave cities, and remain in the periphery. This has already happened in Singapore. It happened in Penang. It is happening in Kuala Lumpur and Johor.
16. When Malays protest against meritocracy or such policies, they are condemned as racists. Faced with this label, many Malays became silent. Some even supported meritocracy out of misplaced pride, further weakening their own position.
17. Today, many Malay NGOs attempt to defend Malay interests. They are invariably labelled racists. The uncomfortable truth is that those who label them are themselves advocating a racially dominant system through economics.
18. The New Economic Policy was never about taking Chinese rights. Chinese businesses flourished under it. The policy existed because Malays needed a tongkat, not to suppress others, but to stand. Helping Malays does not mean harming others.
19. Yet helping Malays is called racism. Chinese-language schools are called cultural rights. Mandarin requirements in private companies are called market needs. UEC recognition is called academic freedom. The standards are clearly unequal.
20. What we are witnessing today is not a campaign against racism. It is a contest between open defenders of Malay survival and those who hide dominance behind polite language.
21. Meritocracy is not neutral. In an unequal society, it is a weapon. Those who shout “racist” the loudest often benefit most from the system they defend.
22. By writing this, condemnation is expected. So be it.
NAZRIN RAMLAN
27 July 2026
1. Rakyat Malaysia sering menenangkan diri dengan angka dan simbol. Orang Melayu adalah majoriti. Perdana Menteri Melayu. Raja-Raja Melayu. Yang di-Pertuan Agong juga Melayu. Maka disimpulkan bahawa orang Melayu tidak mungkin kehilangan negara ini. Kesimpulan ini menenangkan, tetapi tidak semestinya benar.
2. Negara tidak hilang apabila majoriti menjadi minoriti. Negara hilang apabila majoriti kehilangan kuasa sebenar, tetapi masih memegang simbol. Jawatan politik tanpa kuasa ekonomi hanyalah perhiasan.
3. Ekonomi diambil terlebih dahulu. Politik menyusul kemudian. Yang tinggal di hadapan hanyalah seorang Melayu sebagai boneka, sementara keputusan sebenar dibuat oleh dalang di tempat lain.
4. Ini bukan perkara baharu. Pada tahun 1964, Malaysia mengadakan pilihan raya umum yang pertama. Tunku Abdul Rahman dan Ketua Menteri Singapura, Lee Kuan Yew, mempunyai satu persefahaman bahawa PAP hanya akan bertanding di Singapura dan tidak di Semenanjung Malaysia. Ia bukan perjanjian bertulis. Ia satu kesilapan politik.
5. Tidaklah mengejutkan apabila PAP kemudian bertanding di Semenanjung. Lee menjangkakan orang Cina Malaysia, yang ketika itu diwakili oleh MCA, boleh dipujuk menyokongnya. Jika MCA tewas, beliau percaya Tunku akan menggantikan MCA dengan PAP dalam Perikatan.
6. PAP pada dasarnya ialah parti yang didominasi kaum Cina. Tetapi ia sentiasa memperlihatkan dirinya sebagai parti bukan perkauman. Untuk menang di Malaysia, sokongan sentimen chauvinis Cina diperlukan. Ini tidak boleh dilakukan secara terbuka.
7. Sebagai ahli politik yang licik, Lee memperkenalkan slogan yang kelihatan tidak berbaur perkauman tetapi tetap menyemarakkan sentimen Cina. Slogan itu ialah “Malaysian Malaysia”.
8. Pada zahirnya, slogan ini kelihatan memperjuangkan kesamarataan untuk semua rakyat Malaysia. Hakikatnya, ia menafikan ketidakseimbangan sejarah antara Cina dan Melayu, dan menggambarkan seolah-olah orang Melayu menikmati kelebihan yang tidak adil.
9. Orang Melayu berasa cemas. Mereka melihat kemungkinan penyatuan Cina di Semenanjung dengan Cina di Singapura, Sabah dan Sarawak akan mengubah imbangan kuasa politik. Perpecahan antara UMNO dan PAS menambahkan risiko kehilangan dominasi politik Melayu.
10. PAP gagal menewaskan MCA. Namun Tunku menyedari bahayanya. Setahun selepas pilihan raya, Singapura disingkirkan daripada Malaysia.
11. Tetapi legasi ideologi PAP tidak berakhir. Ia diwarisi oleh DAP. Slogan “Malaysian Malaysia” terus digunakan dan kemudiannya ditukar kepada satu istilah baru “Meritokrasi”.
12. Jika “Malaysian Malaysia” membawa makna kesamarataan, meritokrasi membawa maksud yang lebih keras. Ia bererti dominasi oleh mereka yang mempunyai kelebihan dalam pendidikan, perniagaan dan semua bidang kehidupan.
13. Meritokrasi hanya adil jika semua bermula dari garis yang sama. Malaysia tidak pernah berada dalam keadaan itu. Memaksakan meritokrasi dalam masyarakat yang tidak seimbang bukan keadilan, tetapi hukuman yang disamar sebagai keadilan.
14. Apabila orang Melayu memahami akibatnya lalu menentang meritokrasi, mereka dilabel sebagai perkauman. Kerana tidak mahu dicap sedemikian, ramai orang Melayu memilih untuk berdiam diri. Ada juga yang menyokong meritokrasi kerana kebanggaan yang tersalah tempat, lalu melemahkan kedudukan sendiri.
15. Hari ini kita melihat banyak NGO Melayu bangkit mempertahankan kepentingan Melayu. Mereka hampir pasti dicap sebagai perkauman. Malangnya, mereka yang melabel ini juga bersifat perkauman kerana menyokong sistem dominasi melalui ekonomi.
16. Kaedah yang sama digunakan dalam pembangunan bandar. Tidak pernah dikatakan bandar ini untuk kaum tertentu. Sebaliknya disebut pembangunan moden dan bertaraf dunia. Harga kemudian ditetapkan pada tahap yang orang Melayu tidak mampu.
17. Orang Melayu tidak dihalau secara paksa. Mereka disingkirkan melalui harga. Jika orang tempatan tidak mampu membeli, orang luar boleh. Orang Melayu kehilangan tanah, meninggalkan bandar dan kekal di pinggir.
18. Dasar Ekonomi Baru tidak pernah bertujuan merampas hak orang lain. Perniagaan kaum Cina berkembang pesat di bawah dasar ini. Dasar ini diwujudkan kerana orang Melayu memerlukan tongkat untuk berdiri, bukan untuk menindas.
19. Namun membantu orang Melayu dianggap rasis. Sekolah vernakular dianggap hak budaya. Keperluan Mandarin dianggap keperluan pasaran. Pengiktirafan UEC dianggap kebebasan akademik. Ukuran yang digunakan jelas tidak sama.
20. Apa yang berlaku hari ini bukan kempen menentang perkauman. Ia adalah pertembungan antara pejuang yang mempertahankan kelangsungan Melayu secara terbuka dan mereka yang menyembunyikan dominasi di sebalik bahasa yang sopan.
21. Meritokrasi bukan neutral. Dalam masyarakat yang tidak seimbang, ia menjadi senjata. Mereka yang paling lantang menuduh orang lain rasis seringkali paling mendapat manfaat daripada sistem ini.
22. Sehubungan itu, saya juga akan dicerca sebagai bersifat perkauman oleh pejuang meritokrasi yang bersifat perkauman. Biarlah.
NAZRIN RAMLAN
27 Julai 2026
FLASHBACK: Lawyer and social activist Siti Kasim said: "I recently saw a TikTok video where he (Akmal) was seen calling the Malays to be ready. He was seen sharpening a parang ... this is something the police must act on.
KUALA LUMPUR, July 28, 2026: Wow! So relieving for national unity and harmony!
Facebook image
Zakir Naik, a criminal wanted by India, is allowed to breach the 3R and divide multi-racial Malaysians till the cows come home!
Two police reports were lodged over PN election director Sanusi Nor’s remarks, in which he suggested that different ethnic groups in Malaysia could fall back on ancestral homelands outside the country.
