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No News Is Bad News
Multi-racial Malaysians need political reset to face reality after Johor?
KUALA LUMPUR, July 21, 2026: Malaysians, since Merdeka (Independence) 1957, politics is about choosing “between the devil and the deep blue sea”.
And in Malaysia’s political reality, Malaysia’s 10th Prime Minister (PMX) Anwar Ibrahim’s Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition (comprising PKR, DAP and Amanah) is still better than the racial and religious bigoted Umno party of pencuri-pencuri (thieves).
And the Umno-led Barisan Nasional (BN - comprising MCA and MIC) is now working with the Taliban-like PAS which is now dominating Perikatan Nasional (PN).
The other “force” is Bersatu, led by the racist and unpatriotic Muhyiddin “I Am Malay First” Yassin.
As long he does not withdraw and apologise to multi-racial Malaysians for what he said - “I Am Malay First, Malaysian Second” - he is not worth the “salt” in politics for the rakyat dan negara (people and country).
These are two facts and realities that Malaysians, especially the Malays, must ask:
> WHY are the Malays still poor and living in socio-economic misery despite being governed by Umno since 1957 in a country blessed with an abundance in natural resources? Is the answer because they are thieves?;
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> Why are the PAS-ruled states - Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah and Perlis - relatively behind in socio-economic development compared with others? Is this why?
This is an image by Martin Jalleh on Dr Bakri Musa:
No News Is Bad News reproduces below two articles that makes sense to multi-racial Malaysians? And two news reports on Bar Council’s case against Zahid’s DNAA:
Naresh M Narendran ·pnreodStsoa6ai46c7iu050t31514tl63mf3a6655h3u480m81hhhha1a6l1 ·
The Johor state election results woke many Chinese Malaysians up. We finally realised: for over three years, we’ve been wrong about Anwar. He wasn’t doing nothing—he was quietly holding this country together behind the scenes.
Think about what he walked into: low support, a shaky coalition government, global inflation, skyrocketing prices. Yet he managed to bring fuel prices down to RM1.99. When racial tensions flared up, he tried to please both sides—because he knew that conservative Malay votes are what really decide elections.
We kept criticising him over small policies and slow reforms, but we didn’t see the pressure he faces daily from UMNO and PN. Most of those things that angered the Chinese community weren't even started by him—and in the end, he and PH had to clean up the mess. He wanted reforms, but proposals like PM term limits and separating the public prosecutor’s powers were voted down by the opposition. It’s not that he didn’t want change—it’s that conservative forces are too strong.
Looking back, his frustrations were all about keeping this ship afloat. It’s not that he doesn’t want to go faster—he just has to keep us steady.
And the results are clear:
· The ringgit became Asia’s strongest currency, trading at RM4.16 to the USD.
· International rating agencies gave Malaysia A-grade credit ratings.
· Our global competitiveness ranking jumped 11 places to 23rd worldwide.
· Tourism beat Thailand—over 10.1 million visitors came in the first quarter alone.
· Our passport is now 10th most powerful globally, with visa-free access to 181 countries—even ahead of the US.
· Malaysia has become a major hub for AI data centres and semiconductor chips, with billions in new investments.
· Trade and investment figures hit record highs.
On the world stage, Anwar balanced ties between the US and China without offending either side. He successfully hosted the APEC summit in Kuala Lumpur, bringing leaders from both superpowers. The East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) is almost done—it will start running by the end of this year or early next year, boosting transport and business for the east coast.
Most importantly, he’s bringing down the national debt:
After 60 years of BN rule, the country was deep in debt. When Anwar took over, the budget deficit was 5.5% of GDP—now it’s down to 3.8%. The massive 1MDB scandal left nearly RM50 billion in debt, including interest. His government has already paid off RM42 billion, with RM29 billion recovered through enforcement actions. The remaining RM13 billion is being settled gradually, without cutting essential services. All three major rating agencies—S&P, Moody’s, and Fitch—have affirmed Malaysia’s investment-grade status and praised our fiscal improvements.
In short, Anwar didn’t make big promises—he delivered real results. Our economy is stronger, our global standing is higher, our debt is under control, and our future looks brighter. As Malaysians, we owe him a fair judgment.
The Johor state election results woke many Chinese Malaysians up. We finally realised: for over three years, we’ve been wrong about Anwar. He wasn’t doing nothing—he was quietly holding this country together behind the scenes.
But than there are shortfalls also.
Malaysia
After Johor, the uncomfortable question for Anwar’s critics: Were we too impatient?
Perhaps one of the biggest assumptions made by some voters was that becoming prime minister would automatically provide the freedom to reshape the country.
Updated 3 minutes ago · Published on 21 Jul 2026 5:58PM
Anwar took over after years of political instability, changing governments and declining public confidence. - July 21, 2026
by The Vibes Says
FOR much of the past three years, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s biggest challenge has not only come from the opposition.
It has also come from people who once believed he would change Malaysia.
Many Malaysians who voted for Pakatan Harapan in the hope of seeing a political reset after decades of Barisan Nasional rule expected a government that would move faster.
They expected reforms.
They expected stronger institutions.
They expected the promises that carried the Reformasi movement for decades to finally become government policy.
But governing turned out to be far more complicated.
Instead of sweeping changes, they saw compromise.
They saw a government working with former political rivals.
They saw reforms moving at a pace that often felt too slow for a generation that had waited years for change.
For some PH supporters, especially among Chinese Malaysians who had strongly backed the coalition, the disappointment was real.
The uncomfortable question that emerged was whether Anwar, the man who spent decades fighting against the old political order, had become too willing to accept the realities of power.
Then came Johor.
And the election opened a different conversation.
One that forced some voters to confront a difficult reality: governing a country is far more complicated than winning an election.
When Anwar became prime minister, he did not inherit a clean slate.
He took over after years of political instability, changing governments and declining public confidence.
His government was not built on a landslide victory.
It was built through necessity.
The coalition formed after the 15th General Election brought together political forces that had spent years attacking each other.
Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional, once bitter rivals, suddenly found themselves sharing power.
For many PH supporters, that was uncomfortable.
The same political establishment they wanted to replace was now part of the government they supported.
But that was also the reality of the numbers.
Anwar had won the premiership.
He had not won complete control.
And there is a difference.
Perhaps one of the biggest assumptions made by some voters was that becoming prime minister would automatically provide the freedom to reshape the country.
It does not.
A government inherits problems.
It inherits institutions.
It inherits political realities.
Every reform comes with consequences, and every decision carries political costs
In Malaysia, where politics remains deeply shaped by identity, economics and competing visions of the country’s future, dramatic change was never going to be simple.
Anwar has had to balance several competing pressures.
His reform-minded supporters want faster action.
His coalition partners have their own interests to protect.
Conservative groups continue to challenge his policies.
At the same time, the opposition has successfully built support by presenting itself as the defender of Malay interests.
The result is a government that has often appeared to be walking a narrow political path.
That does not mean criticism of reforms should be dismissed.
Questions over institutional reform, governance and checks and balances remain valid.
Political reality may explain delays.
But it cannot become a permanent excuse.
At some point, the government has to prove that compromise was a strategy to achieve change, not a reason to avoid it.
Beyond politics, the economic argument
Where Anwar’s supporters believe he deserves more recognition is in how his government has handled the economy. For years, Malaysia struggled with questions over investor confidence, political stability and whether it could compete against its regional neighbours.
Economic achievements rarely create the same excitement as political reforms.
They do not produce the same emotional response.
But they matter.
Since taking office, the government has focused on rebuilding confidence and strengthening Malaysia’s economic position.
The ringgit has recovered after years of pressure and emerged as one of Asia’s better-performing currencies.
International rating agencies have maintained Malaysia’s investment-grade status, while the country’s global competitiveness ranking has improved.
Malaysia has also positioned itself as an important player in the next wave of technology investment.
The country has attracted billions of ringgit in new commitments in areas such as semiconductor manufacturing and artificial intelligence-related infrastructure, as global companies look for alternatives within the regional supply chain.
Trade and investment figures have reached record levels, while the tourism sector has continued its recovery, welcoming millions of visitors and strengthening an important part of the economy.
Malaysia’s international standing has also improved, including the strength of its passport and travel access for Malaysians.
These are not the kind of achievements that dominate political conversations.
They do not erase frustrations over reforms.
But they form part of the larger picture when assessing a government’s performance.
The government has also placed greater emphasis on restoring fiscal discipline and reducing the national deficit.
When Anwar took office, the fiscal deficit stood at 5.5% of GDP.
The government has since pointed to efforts that brought the figure down to 3.8% of GDP, while maintaining that essential services have not been compromised.
The administration has also highlighted efforts to deal with the financial consequences of the 1MDB scandal, which left the country carrying billions of ringgit in obligations, including interest costs.
The government says it has recovered RM29 billion through enforcement actions and has settled RM42 billion of the liabilities linked to the scandal, with the remaining RM13 billion being managed gradually.
These efforts have also been watched by international rating agencies.
S&P Global Ratings, Moody’s and Fitch Ratings have maintained Malaysia’s investment-grade status while recognising improvements in fiscal management and the country’s economic direction.
For Anwar’s supporters, these figures are evidence that rebuilding Malaysia is not only about political reform.
It is also about restoring confidence in the economy and putting the country’s finances on a more sustainable path.
A different role on the world stage
Beyond domestic issues, Anwar’s supporters also point to his foreign policy approach.
At a time when rivalry between the United States and China continues to shape global politics, Malaysia has attempted to maintain relations with both powers without being forced into choosing one side.
The government’s approach has been to engage both countries while protecting Malaysia’s economic interests.
Hosting major international events, including the ASEAN summit in Kuala Lumpur, strengthened Malaysia’s position as a country capable of bringing major global players to the same table.
Domestically, long-delayed infrastructure projects such as the East Coast Rail Link are moving closer to completion, with expectations that the project will improve connectivity and create new economic opportunities for communities along the east coast.
These are not developments that necessarily change public opinion overnight.
But they are part of the broader argument made by those who believe Anwar’s administration deserves more time.
The real test has only begun
Perhaps the biggest shift after Johor is that the debate around Anwar has become more complicated.
When he was in opposition, many saw him as the person who would transform Malaysia.
But being prime minister means dealing with the country that exists — not only the country people hope to build.
That gap between expectation and reality is where much of the frustration has come from.
The Anwar who spoke from the opposition bench is not the same Anwar who has to negotiate inside the cabinet room.
That is the burden of power.
But it is also where his final judgement will be made.
History will not judge Anwar only by the promises he made.
It will judge whether the compromises he accepted were necessary steps towards a stronger Malaysia, or whether they represented opportunities that were lost.
Johor did not deliver a final verdict on Anwar.
But it changed the conversation.
The question is no longer only why he has not moved faster.
The bigger question is whether the slower pace was the price of keeping the country stable long enough to deliver meaningful change.
That may ultimately become the defining question of his premiership. - July 21, 2026
Malaysian Bar's Zahid DNAA challenge postponed till appeal in upper court exhausted
By Tarani Palani / theedgemalaysia.com
09 Jul 2026, 12:14 pm
File photo by Zahid Izzani/The Edge
KUALA LUMPUR (July 9): The Malaysian Bar's legal bid to challenge Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi's discharge not amounting to an acquittal (DNAA) in one of his criminal cases has been put on hold until Zahid exhausts all avenues in a related appeal.
High Court judge Alice Loke Yee Ching granted the adjournment following a brief proceeding on Thursday.
Apologising to the court, senior federal counsel Ahmad Hanir Hambaly @ Arwi sought an adjournment, stressing that the appeal at the apex court will deal with the test for a judicial review touching on matters of prosecutorial discretion.
Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan, leading the team of lawyers representing the Bar, said that she shared the same view and had no objections to the adjournment.
The related appeal is Zahid's leave application to the apex court against the Court of Appeal (COA)'s decision last May. The leave application is set to be heard on Oct 8.
A case management for the High Court case is set for Oct 12.
The Bar initiated a judicial review against the Attorney General's Chambers' decision in 2023 to drop all 47 graft, criminal breach of trust, and money laundering charges against Zahid in the Yayasan Akalbudi graft case. The Bar has also named Zahid as the other respondent.
In a decision that drew brickbats from many quarters, the prosecution had informed the court of their intention to discontinue and drop all charges against Zahid, even though his defence had already been called.
Trial judge Datuk Collin Lawrence Sequerah handed down a DNAA to the Umno president, as opposed to the defence’s request for a full acquittal, meaning that Zahid can still be charged with the same charges in the future.
In June 2024, then-High Court judge Datuk Amarjeet Singh dismissed the Bar's leave application on the grounds that the Bar did not meet the threshold for a review.
The now-appellate court judge added that the exercise of the AG’s power under Section 145(3) of the Federal Constitution is cloaked with the presumption of legality.
However, upon a successful appeal by the Bar back in May, the COA reverted the matter back to the High Court for its full merits to be heard.
COA judges Datuk Faizah Jamaludin, Datuk Dr Lim Hock Leng, and Datuk Nadzarin Wok Nordin said that while the threshold for judicial review for prosecutorial discretion is high, this was a case which warranted a judicial review.
In judicial review cases, applicants must first obtain leave (permission) from the court before proceeding with the matter, to eliminate frivolous cases.
Read also:
Apex court sets Oct 8 to hear Zahid’s bid to halt Malaysian Bar’s judicial review
Court of Appeal allows Bar Council’s judicial review against Zahid discharge
High Court dismisses Malaysian Bar’s bid to challenge Zahid’s discharge not amounting to acquittal in graft case
Edited ByAniza Damis
Apex court sets Oct 8 to hear Zahid’s bid to halt Malaysian Bar’s judicial review
By Hafiz Yatim / theedgemalaysia.com
08 Jul 2026, 06:08 pm
PUTRAJAYA (July 8): The Federal Court on Wednesday fixed Oct 8 to hear Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s application for leave or permission to appeal, in his bid to halt a full judicial review challenging the withdrawal of his criminal charges.
Zahid is seeking to stop the High Court from hearing the merits of a lawsuit brought by the Malaysian Bar, which is challenging the Attorney General's Chamber's (AGC) decision in 2023 to drop all 47 graft, criminal breach of trust, and money laundering charges against him
The hearing date was fixed by the Federal Court’s senior assistant registrar Rahimah Rahim, following case management on Wednesday. Atiqa Nazihah Azmi of Messrs Shahrul Hamidi & Haziq appeared for Zahid, while Abhilash Subramaniam of Messrs Abhilaash Subramaniam & Co appeared for the Malaysian Bar, and federal counsel Imtiyaz Wizni Aufa Othman represented the AGC.
Another case management session has been scheduled for Sept 24 to ensure all relevant documents are submitted ahead of the Oct 8 hearing.
The hearing date was confirmed by Datuk Hamidi Md Noh of Messrs Shahrul Hamidi Noh, and senior federal counsel Ahmad Hanir Hambaly @ Arwi who appeared for the case at the Court of Appeal.
Background of the challenge
Last May, a three-member Court of Appeal bench unanimously allowed the Malaysian Bar to proceed with its full judicial review challenge.
The appellate bench, led by judge Datuk Faizah Jamaluddin, ruled that the Malaysian Bar’s application was not frivolous nor vexatious. Sitting alongside judges Datuk Dr Lim Hock Leng and Datuk Nadzarin Wok Nordin, Faizah declared that the case — which saw the AGC granting Zahid a discharge not amounting to an acquittal (DNAA) — raised serious arguable issues that warranted a full hearing, sending the matter back to the High Court.
While acknowledging that the legal threshold to challenge prosecutorial discretion is exceptionally high, the appellate court ruled that this specific case is rare and exceptional.
Faizah also said the legal challenge brought by the Malaysian Bar is not a collateral attack on the criminal court that presided over the case, but rather a legitimate challenge focusing on the legality and rationality of the AG's decision in requesting for a DNAA for Zahid after his defence had already been called.
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