GE16: Forget PH, PN and BN, go for others and change

Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia

No News Is Bad News

Go for the above two, Independents and all mosquito parties.

GE16: Forget PH, PN and BN, go for others and change

KUALA LUMPUR, May 12, 2026: A snap general election appears to be looming as the media focus on political news in a frenzy reporting the latest developments.

A Facebook post has this statement: Just close both eyes and vote RR (Rafizi Ramli)/Muda/Independent. The rest can send to the landfills.

No News Is Bad News reproduces below the post and another news report:

Just close both eyes and vote RR/Muda/Independent. The rest can send to the landfills

Therealnehruism

OPINION | If PH supporters abandon PH, PN supporters will also abandon PN 

A lot of non-Malays tend to believe that if they don't back PH, then PN will win, and if the PAS-dominated PN wins, not only will rave parties and beers in supermarket be banned, vernacular schools will be closed down and temples also demolished, but this view lacks insight.

In reality, the Malays might just be strongly supporting PN because the non-Malays are strongly supporting PH. If the non-Malays abandon PH, then what will likely happen is that the Malays will abandon PN too.

Rather than a zero-sum relationship, PH and PN more likely have a Rajni-Kamal relationship.

For clarification, the "Rajni-Kamal effect" is a case where two seemingly bitter rivals are actually supporting each other's existence. This case was clearly explained by the Tamil cinema actor Kamal Haasan, who once said that when his greatest rival in Tamil cinema, Rajinikanth, professed to him that he wished to quit Tamil cinema, instead of feeling overjoyed at the prospect of ruling Tamil cinema unchallenged, he became petrified. Rather than wishing Rajinikanth good luck and goodbye, he begged Rajinikanth to stay, by saying: "Rajni, you cannot leave. If you leave, I will be ruined. The Tamil movie audience will only support me for as long as I am competing with you. If you leave, they are going to forget me as soon as they forget you."

In other words, the relationship between PH and PN is not antagonistic - it is not zero sum - it is not a case where a loss for PH will translate into a win for PN or vice versa.

Rather, their relationship is actually supportive of each other, although they appear as bitter rivals at first glance, because PH is only relevant for as long as PN is relevant, and vice versa. The Malays are not supporting PN because they see any intrinsic worth in PN - they are just supporting PN to balance out the non-Malay support for PH. If the non-Malays abandon PH, the Malays will also no longer feel that they need to stand behind PN to balance out the effect of PH.

In other words, in the same way that Tamil movie audience will forget Kamal as soon as Rajni is gone, PN supporters will forget PN as soon as PH is gone too.

Currently, PH is losing massive support from its supporters.

Its losses are expected to be so massive that, according to DAP insiders, even Penang, the bastion of Pakatan Harapan, is expected to lose its supermajority in the state assembly. PH currently holds 29 of the 40 state seats in Penang. In the next state polls, it is expected that it will only be able to retain 23 seats..

Not only Penang, A few days ago, Petaling Jaya MP Lee Chean Chung also admitted that Petaling Jaya, hitherto classified as a “Tier 1” safe seat for PH, might no longer be secure due to voter dissatisfaction and changing expectations.

Even PKR bigwig Ramanan, who is the PKR vice-president and Human Resources Minister, is likely to face an uphill task in maintaining his Sungai Buloh constituency, which has long served as a Pakatan Harapan stronghold.

According to a recent internal PKR analysis, 66 parliamentary seats were separated into four categories, with only seven listed as Tier 1 or safe seats. Thirteen were classified as Tier 2A, 17 as Tier 2B (marginal), and 29 seats were placed in Tier 3, described as vulnerable or requiring significant recovery efforts.

Ramanan's Sungai Buloh was placed in Tier 3.

If news of PH supporters abandoning PH continues to spread, I predict that PN supporters too will follow suit and start abandoning PN.

If PN supporters do not abandon PN in time for GE16, then once PN wins GE16, then the Malays who supported PN will turn on PN and its policies post election. In other words, rather than continuing their support for PN for its efforts to do such things as ban water music festivals or the sale of beer in supermarkets, Malay voters will become more sensitive to PN's shortcomings, and start condemning it more for what it has not done for them, rather than support it for it does to put the non-Malays in their place.

But say the Malays abandon PN and the non-Malays abandon PH, where will the ex-supporters of PH and PN go to?

Well, I think for now there are two likely candidates.

The first is that it might go to BN, provided that Zahid Hamidi is toppled. I truly think that the only thing that stands in the way of a significant number of Malays and non-Malay to return to BN, the party that they have supported for decades and generations until the 2018 election, is the immense unpopularity of Umno president Zahid Hamidi, and his seemingly iron clad control of BN and Umno.

The second is that it will go to a Rafizi-led new party that might include Muda as a partner. Recently, Muda deputy president Zaidel Baharuddin extended an invitation to Rafizi, saying that Muda is open to working together with him in some way. If a Rafizi-Muda partnership happens, I foresee that the Rafizi-Muda alliance will be a major beneficiary of PH and PN's decline.

We must understand that PH and PN are led by very old politicians like Anwar, Muhyiddin and Hadi, whose continued relevance is only propped up by their rivalry.

Take away their rivalry, and all voters will see are a couple of political parties that are led by a bunch of very old and bewildered leaders, who are living in a world that no longer exists, in a time that has long passed.

#AnwarIbrahim #HadiAwang #PakatanHarapan #PerikatanNasional #GE16 #RafiziRamli #BarisanNasional #MUDA #therealnehruism

Image credit: SCMP / Malay Mail

Politics + Government: GE15 voting pattern proves PH and BN need each other to stop PN in GE16 — but can they stay aligned or will it be another three-cornered fight?

By Adam Aziz / The Edge Malaysia

01 Apr 2026, 05:30 pm

 (Photo by Sam Fong/The Edge) This article first appeared in The Edge Malaysia Weekly on March 23, 2026 - March 29, 2026

JUST three months into 2026, speculation over Malaysia’s next election cycle is already heating up, with fresh political signals raising questions about how the main coalitions will position themselves for the 16th General Election (GE16).

The focus is not only on whether Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim will call for early polls, due in February 2028. The big question is whether the two key coalitions of the unity government formed after GE15 in November 2022 — Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Barisan Nasional (BN) — will contest GE16 independently or negotiate a deal to avoid repeating the three-cornered fight with Perikatan Nasional (PN) seen in 2022.

Last month, Anthony Loke, secretary-general of the Democratic Action Party (DAP), PH’s largest party in parliament, reiterated his preference for GE16 to be held alongside two upcoming state polls.

Unlike previous cycles, Melaka and Johor held their state elections separately from GE15, in November 2021 and March 2022 respectively. As a result, Melaka is due for a state election by February 2027, followed closely by Johor.

BN chairman and United Malays National Organisation (Umno) president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi reportedly told coalition members recently that BN should contest 115 seats to avoid being seen as PH’s junior partner. According to reports last week, Umno also aims to defend 40 of Johor’s 56 state assembly seats.

 

With local sentiment strengthening in Sarawak and now Sabah, the contest between PH, BN and opposition PN will focus on Peninsular Malaysia, which holds 165 of the country’s 222 parliamentary seats.

In an analysis of GE15 voting patterns, The Edge concluded that a PH-BN collaboration would give them an advantage over PN in GE16. In the November 2022 general election, fought largely in multi-cornered contests, PH won 71 peninsular seats, BN took 23 and PN secured 70 — gaining an additional seat in a subsequent by-election.

Based on the GE15 voting pattern, had it not been for the three-cornered contests, a PH-BN collaboration in GE15 could have reduced PN’s peninsular tally to just 38 seats — assuming full vote transfer between PH and BN supporters.

Seat negotiations will be a big challenge for most coalition parties, however, especially after decades of rivalry between parties now sharing power under the unity government formed no more than four years ago.

As Umno fought for seats against PH component parties Parti Amanah Negara (Amanah) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) in GE15, PKR also took seats from the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). MCA would also have to negotiate for seats with its direct rival DAP, which won most of it GE15 head-to-head contests by a huge majority.

 

DAP stands least to gain; overlap in Umno, PKR and Amanah seats

Of the 165 peninsular seats, PH polled more votes than BN in 90 seats in GE15, while BN had more in 75, based on election data (this does not necessarily mean they won those number of seats, as the comparison excludes PN).

In GE15, DAP contested 40 peninsular seats and won 33, including 30 with comfortable majorities ranging from 14,000 to 129,000 votes.

Of the seven seats that DAP lost, it had fewer votes than Umno in six seats and MCA in just one. This means Umno and MCA are likely to insist on fielding their own candidates in these seats — especially if BN is indeed aiming to contest as many as 115 seats.

Even if the 115-seat target includes East Malaysia, BN would still be eyeing about 101 peninsular seats, given that it contested only 14 seats in Sabah and Labuan in GE15.

In GE15, Umno contested 107 peninsular seats, winning more votes than PH in 72 of them. Ultimately, however, it won just 20 — which means it lost 52 to PN, with PH finishing third. Umno and PKR clashed in 52 seats and contested against Amanah in 45 seats.

Under a PH-BN pact, Umno could have secured an additional 21 seats with support from PH voters — but it may have had to give up at least eight potential seats to PKR (six) and Amanah (two) since it had fewer votes in those seats than PH.

But this is still a good bargain, unless Umno/BN believes it is in a better position today than during GE15 and can secure more than 41 seats.

With PN’s leadership in disarray, Umno may see better odds in Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah, where it lost to PN in 18, eight and seven seats respectively.

 

Bersatu is split in two, with the way forward unclear for sacked deputy president Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainuddin, while coalition partner Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) was forced to name one of its own — Terengganu Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar — as PN chairman to keep the coalition going.

Umno could attempt to fill the gap as a more stable option for conservative Malay fence-sitters. But if it wants to win big in GE16, it may need to negotiate for seats where PH’s support base outweighs its own.

But that sets up friction between PKR and Amanah. From PKR’s perspective, it could have gained 17 more seats with BN voter support — including seven PN seats where Umno had outpolled them.

Amanah, meanwhile, may not simply yield to Umno, especially in seats where it trailed by only a few thousand votes.

In fact, all but one of the 46 seats Amanah contested involved direct competition with Umno. The exception was Kota Raja, where its president Datuk Seri Mohamad Sabu won against seven candidates, including one from MIC.

MCA is also in a tough spot. Besides 31 seats contested against DAP, where it won only two, it faced PKR in 13 seats — losing all of them.

MIC, too, mainly faced PKR in eight seats, winning only Tapah through deputy president Datuk Seri M Saravanan. It also contested — and lost — one seat each to DAP and Amanah.

Last week, it emerged that MIC had joined PN, according to the latter’s secretary general Datuk Seri Takiyuddin Hassan. This was denied by Saravanan, who said the party only made an enquiry.

Note that MIC delegates at the party’s annual general meeting last November had unanimously approved a resolution to leave BN to join PN.

Seat negotiations

During seat negotiations between two coalitions, the incumbent typically keeps the seats it won. The coalitions then discuss who contests the seats they both lost. Examples from GE15 include Pagoh, where combined PH and BN votes would have exceeded Bersatu president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin’s total; and Tasek Gelugor, won by Bersatu’s Datuk Wan Saiful Wan Jan, who has since left the party after a leadership fallout.

Umno may also push for seats such as Lumut, where Datuk Seri Zambry Abdul Kadir lost by just 363 votes to Bersatu candidate Nordin Ahmad Ismail; as well as Gua Musang and Jasin, where it lost to PAS by narrow margins.

For PKR, a PH-BN pact makes strategic sense in seats such as Permatang Pauh, where deputy president Nurul Izzah Anwar — Anwar’s daughter — lost to PAS’s Muhammad Fawwaz Mohamad Jan by 5,272 votes, a 6% margin. In short, the negotiations would favour the candidate with the higher vote count between PH and BN in each seat. Talks could be challenging in 21 seats where the margin between PH and BN candidates was under 5%.

Negotiations may be tough even in incumbent seats. This includes Kuala Selangor, where Amanah’s Datuk Seri Dzulkefly Ahmad, now health minister, won against Tengku Datuk Seri Zafrul Aziz by around 1,000 votes, a 1.2% margin. Zafrul has since left Umno and joined PKR. Similarly, in Sungai Buloh, Khairy Jamaluddin Abu Bakar lost to PKR’s Datuk Seri Ramanan Ramakrishnan by a 2.1% margin.

The circumstances are changing for both PKR and DAP as they try to pacify supporters unhappy with the progress of certain political and economic reforms, while figures such as ousted PKR leader Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli — and even MCA — are positioning themselves as the obvious alternative.

There is even talk that both Umno and PKR have been in touch with PN members to gauge the way forward.

From another perspective, 31 of the 38 peninsular seats that PN could still have won against a PH-BN alliance in GE15 would have come at Umno’s expense.

The fluid political situation means strategies and partnerships can still morph in the next few months. And as long as no single coalition is able to take the lead, Malaysia is likely once again to see its federal government formed by a coalition of coalitions — with Sarawak as the kingmaker. 

 

Anwar Ibrahim - Umno’s Trojan Horse

Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia

No News Is Bad News

 

Anwar Ibrahim - Umno’s Trojan Horse

KUALA LUMPUR, May 12, 2026: When multi-racial Malaysians voted for Anwar Ibrahim and PKR in the last general election (GE), they thought they were electing a reformer.

After more than three years, the same supporters are disgusted that they have been fooled by an "Umno Trojan Horse".

The Abim and Umno DNA in Anwar are too overwhelming to discard his loyalty to the racial and religious bigoted Umno.

In the last PKR elections, Anwar thus used his daughter Nurul Izzah to engineer the ouster of his then deputy, Rafizi Ramli and his Reformasi (Reformation) Team, to embrace the politics of nepotism and cronyism ala Umno-style.

Even, after being politically stabbed in the back by Umno (on the Negri Sembilan’s so-called pullout from the PH government), Anwar is still defending and “loyal” to Umno!

No News Is Bad News reproduces below a Facbook post that is self-explanatory:

 

ANWAR’s MADANI GOVT IS BASICALLY IMPLEMENTING UMNO’s POLICIES IN THE LAST 3 YEARS …. FROM THE DAY HE WAS “ ROYALLY APPOINTED” BY THE PREVIOUS AGUNG TO BE MALAYSIA’s 10th PRIME MINISTER.

…INSTEAD OF IMPLEMENTING PAKATAN HARAPAN POLICIES AS PROMISED

DURING THE LAST GENERAL ELECTION CAMPAIGNS IN 2022.

LIKELY FACT:

HE TURNED OUT TO BE UMNO’s TROJAN HORSE IN THE PH COALITION ALL THESE WHILE.

… MORE LIKELY, AS PM, HE BECAME UMNO’s PATSY.

Sunday, 10 May 2026

Rafizi and activists are multi-racial Malaysians’ hope for Reformasi

Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia

No News Is Bad News

 

Rafizi and activists are multi-racial Malaysians’ hope for Reformasi

KUALA LUMPUR, May 11, 2026: Lawyer and social activist Siti Kasim and Gerak have announced they are contesting in the next general election (GE).

And staunch Reformasi (Reformation) leader Rafizi Ramli and his team, who were booted out of the PKR leadership by the fake reformist Anwar Ibrahim, are also almost certain to contest in GE16.

For image info, go to https://theedgemalaysia.com/node/794448  

There is intense speculation that Malaysia’s 10^th Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim may call for a snap general election late this year, possibly in October, as Umno is stabbing Anwar in the back to destabilise the so-called Madani Unity Government (UG).

However, Anwar is unlikely to field Rafizi and his Reformasi supporters in GE16, therefore they are likely to contest as Independents or under a new party.

There is, therefore hope for multi-racial Malaysians to give the boot to the racial and religious bigoted politicians and their parties, namely PAS, Besrsatu (Perikatan Nasional) and Umno.

If Rafizi and more activists can unite to challenge the “political giants”, there is a choice for Malaysians to reform the governance and country demi rakyat dan negara (for people and country).

“We are four years older. We are four years wiser. We do not fear and we will fight.”

Siti Kasim and Gerak’s electoral battle cry tells it all: “We are four years older. We are four years wiser. We do not fear and we will fight.”

Sunday, 10 May 2026

Siti Kasim, Gerak start the ball rolling for GE16!

Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia

No News Is Bad News

 

Siti Kasim, Gerak start the ball rolling for GE16!

KUALA LUMPUR, May 10, 2026: Taking cue of the intense speculation that Malaysia’s 10^th Prime Minister) Anwar Ibrahim may call for a snap general election (GE) late this year, possibly October, lawyer and social activist Siti Kasim and Gerak have taken the lead to announce they are contesting in GE16.

In a Facebook post, Siti launched her service centre in the Batu parliamentary constituency (in Kuala Lumpur).

She was accompanied by Gerak Independent candidates Tawfik Ismail and Kj John.

Of course the opening of the centre was not covered by the mainstream media who are only good only for promoting Government propaganda.

It is hoped that other activists committed to reforming governance and defending the Constitutional rights of multi-racial Malaysians will also do the same to give the racial religious bigoted politicians from PAS, Bersatu (Perikatan Nasional) and Umno the boot in GE16.

Persecuting a reformist?

Speculation is rife that Anwar may be forced to call for a snap GE16 (election is only due in 2027) because of the traitorous racial and religious bigoted Umno out to destabilise and stab Pakatan Harapan (PH).

GE16 is a mission for multi-racial Malaysians to unite and give the racial and religious bigoted politicians and their parties the boot!

It is time for Malaysians to unite and elect committed politicians who truly serve demi rakyat dan negara (for people and country) for reformation and change for the better.

Let GE16 be the rise of reformists and activists to save multi-racial Malaysians from the bigots.

Below is the Facebook post:

Siti Kasim has launched her Service Center at the Batu parliamentary constituency accompanied by Gerak Independent candidates Tawfik Ismail , Tawfik Ismail and Kj John .

It was also very decent of incumbent Batu Member of Parliament, Honourable Prabakaran who made the effort to attend the launch. We focus our efforts to ensure that it is the Rakyat who succeeds.

Reject non-leaders that divide the people and squander national wealth. Say NO to divisive politics.

And, this is what Siti Kasim is all about and there was even a bomb placed under her car last year but police, till today, have not captured or arrested any suspect:

 

FLASHBACK: Lawyer and social activist Siti Kasim said: "I recently saw a TikTok video where he (Akmal) was seen calling the Malays to be ready. He was seen sharpening a parang ... this is something the police must act on.

"It is like he is instigating the Malays to create problems. Islam never teaches us all this," said Siti.

 FLASHBACK: A senator has asked why Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh has yet to be investigated for sedition after posting a picture of himself holding a sword on Facebook. Akmal had posted the picture, taken during a recent trip to Japan, on March 14. The picture was captioned: “No matter what, we will not waver from our stance. Better to die standing than live kneeling.”

Saturday, 9 May 2026

GE16 snap polls on the cards late this year?

Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia

No News Is Bad News

 Vote PH without Anwar and Nurul. Real Reformists do not embrace nepotism and cronyism!

GE16 snap polls on the cards late this year?

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5IWxqBOU3ME 

#KiniNews: Nurul Izzah Anwar to contest in FT in next polls?; Harapan to hold convention on May 17

[KiniNews] Speculation is mounting as Nurul Izzah Anwar may contest a Federal Territories parliamentary seat in the next general election. At least three PKR sources told Malaysiakini that Nurul Izzah could move to her mother, Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail’s Bandar Tun Razak constituency. Meanwhile, Pakatan Harapan is holding a convention in Johor on May 17, 2026 amid growing speculation on the possibility of snap state and federal polls. The convention was announced over a joint statement by PKR information chief Fahmi Fadzil, Amanah vice-president Adly Zahari, and DAP national vice-chairperson Syahredzan Johan.

KUALA LUMPUR, May 9, 2026: Speculation is mounting that Malaysia’s 10^th Prime Minister (PMX) Anwar Ibrahim is preparing and planning for a snap general election (GE16) late this year.

KiniNews has reported that Anwar’s daughter, Nurul Izzah, may contest a Federal Territories parliamentary seat in GE16 (view above video link).

This means she is fleeing from Permatang Pauh (Penang), the home village of both daughter and father.

Have they lost confidence in winning back Permatang Pauh where Nurul was dumped by voters in GE15?

Not only that. Even Anwar is speculated preparing to flee from Tambun (Perak) where the seat is now touted to be unsafe for Anwar!

The speculations of a snap GE stem from the growing animosity between the racial and religious bigoted Umno youth chief Dr Akmal “Dr Ham/I Am Malay First” Saleh-led Umno and Pakatan Harapan (PH), comprising of PKR, DAP and Amanah).

As in every GE, the print media will label the GE as a political crossroad for Malaysians.

It is no crossroad! It is a do or die GE16 for multi-racial Malaysians and Malaysia.

They need to vote for change and new possible leaders to put a stop to the political Talibans of Malaysia.

And who are the Taliban-like politicians? They are from PAS, Bersatu (Perikatan Nasional) and Umno.

The next question being asked is: If not Anwar and PH, who?

It is clear that Anwar has failed to keep his promises to reform the Government administration as promised in GE15.

In fact, the politics of racial and religious bigotry have worsened because Anwar has proven to be a fake Reformasi (Reformation) leader for multi-racial Malaysians.

In fact, he has shamelessly proven himself as anti-Reformasi in PKR’s last party elections when he used his daughter, Nurul Izzah, to engineer the ousting of his then deputy, Rafizi Ramli and all his team of staunch and committed reformers.

Anwar opted to embrace the politics of patronage ala Umno-style.

Anwar got rid of all the reformists in PKR. 

The Abim and Umno DNA in Anwar are simply too overwhelming for him to be a reformist.

So how should multi-racial Malaysians vote to defend and safeguard their constitutional rights from the racial and religious bigots?

Since Anwar is not committed to reforming the Government demi rakyat dan negara (for people and country), Anwar must be dumped together with his daughter, Nurul.

Reformists do not embrace nepotism and cronyism.

 All in the family. Not nepotism? Reformists?

Multi-racial Malaysians have a fighting chance to reform politics and governance by retaining PH but dumping Anwar and Nurul.

Vote for PKR, DAP, Amanah, and all the PKR reformists who were ousted by Anwar.

The reformists may not be fielded by PKR but, in every liklihood, they may be contesting as Independents led by Rafizi.

Other Independents with credentials, like Siti Kasim and others, should also be given support.

FLASHBACK: Lawyer and social activist Siti Kasim said: "I recently saw a TikTok video where he (Akmal) was seen calling the Malays to be ready. He was seen sharpening a parang ... this is something the police must act on.

"It is like he is instigating the Malays to create problems. Islam never teaches us all this," said Siti.

 

FLASHBACK: A senator has asked why Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh has yet to be investigated for sedition after posting a picture of himself holding a sword on Facebook. Akmal had posted the picture, taken during a recent trip to Japan, on March 14. The picture was captioned: “No matter what, we will not waver from our stance. Better to die standing than live kneeling.”

Give the reformists a strong mandate, let them decide their leader, and Malaysians can then monitor whether they can reform Malaysia as a multi-racial country, sidelining and jailing the racial and religious bigots whenever they break the law and 3R (Race, Religion, Royalty) and threatening national unity and harmony.

If Sarawakians and Sabahans can do it, why not multi-racial Malaysians in the Peninsula?

Thursday, 7 May 2026

Umno-loving Anthony Loke losing popularity among DAP members?

Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia

No News Is Bad News

 DAP (MCA 2.0) self-destructing under Anthony Loke.

Umno-loving Anthony Loke losing popularity among DAP members?

KUALA LUMPUR, My 7, 2026: DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke Siew Fook appears to be fast losing popularity among his party members.

The Umno-loving Loke, who led DAP to zero seats in the Sabah elections, is now struggling to enhance his image with members and continuously on "political defensive"..

But DAP members are growing wary of the danger to continue to be led by Loke with Malaysians popularly branding him and the party as MCA 2.0.

An opinion has appeared on Facebook (believed to be linked to Khairy Jamaluddin or KJ) claiming that Loke is falling behind former secretary-general Lim Guan Eng:

OPINION | Anthony Loke is Falling Behind, Lim Guan Eng is Making a Comeback

The Chinese have a saying :"Two tigers cannot share the same mountain". It means that two powerful leaders can't both be a part of the same organisation.

The two tigers in DAP are Anthony Loke and Lim Guan Eng.

As long as one does well, the other will inevitably decline.

Anthony Loke, if you recall, only began to truly shine, after Lim Guan Eng's fortune started to dim, after his disastrous showing as the Finance Minister in the Pakatan 1.0 Government of 2018.

As Anthony's star continued to shine, Lim Guan Eng's fortune continued to dim.

In last years DAP election, Lim Guan Eng and his teammates - which include the likes of Teresa Kok, his sister Lim Hui Ying and RSN Rayer, did so badly, that except for Lim Guan Eng himself, the rest of his lieutenants couldn't make it into Central Executive Committee ( CEC). Even the once mighty Lim Guan Eng could only squeeze into the CEC at the 26th place in the 30 member committee.

On the other hand, everyone that was on Team Anthony Loke did splendidly in the election, and consolidated Anthony Loke's growing prestige and power in DAP.

But fortune as they say is fickle. One day it will favour you, and another day, it will favour your rival.

If Anthony Loke had assumed that he has no where to go but up, and Lim Guan Eng had resigned himself to believe that his best days are behind him, well, I would bet one ringgit and thirty five cents that the tides of fortune are about to change.

Soon, I believe, it is going to be Anthony Loke's time to be harassed, while the sun is set to shine again on Lim Guan Eng.

Why?

Because the mood in DAP has changed.

Anthony Loke's fortune shined the brightest after his leadership of DAP brought DAP victory in the 2022 election. Not only did DAP secure a conclusive victory under Anthony's lead, it emerged as the biggest component party of Pakatan Harapan, the coalition that was to become the government after GE 15.

Despite its victory, Pakatan Harapan's grip on power was still weak, for its rival, Perikatan Nasional and its "Green Wave" looked like it was capable of toppling the Pakatan Harapan led unity government at any given moment.

Despite the threat, Anthony Loke, together with Anwar Ibrahim, the head of PH and the Prime Minister of Malaysia, have so successfully consolidated Pakatan's grip on Putrajaya, that today Perikatan Nasional has completely given up on its desire to overthrow the unity government.

Under Anthony's lead, DAP was even able to work together with Umno, its longtime rival, as partners in the unity government.

Anthony's success was not unnoticed in DAP, and DAP members had richly rewarded Anthony, by giving him and his team their full mandate in the 2025 DAP elections, at the cost of removing Lim Guan Eng and his team, from the corridor of power.

Since then however, Anthony Loke's luck seems to be waning.

First DAP was massacred in the Sabah election in December last year.

Following that, to recoup their losses, DAP would throw down the gauntlet by giving Anwar an ultimatum: "Recognize UEC or else ...."

Not only did Anwar not recognize UEC despite DAP's ultimatum, under the National Education Plan 2026-2035, he would even make Bahasa Melayu and History a compulsory subjects for all Malaysian citizens in school, including Chinese Independent schools, much to the chagrin of DAP.

To make things worse, currently Umno is trying to overthrow the Aminuddin Harun led state government in Negeri Sembilan, while remaining as DAP's partner at the federal level.

Although Umno only contributed 26 seats to the unity government, it has been richly rewarded for its willingness to support the unity government with such high profile posts as the Deputy Prime Minister post, Foreign Ministry portfolio, Ministry of International Trade portfolio and Defense portfolio.

In contrast, despite contributing 40 seats - the most of any single party in the unity government - the best that DAP managed to get from the unity government was the transport portfolio, under Anthony.

11 out of the 17 state seats that make up the Aminuddin led PH government in Negeri Sembilan, belong to DAP. If Umno overthrows the Negeri Sembilan state government, it will be DAP, more than PKR, that stands to be the biggest losers.

To understand why Anthony Loke's fortune is fading, we must understand what is the sentiment of DAP's members and supporters today.

The thinking among DAP's members and supporters today goes like this: "We have given so much to the unity government and received so little. Those who have given much less than us, like Umno, on the other hand, have received so much more. Umno, who has received so much more than us, are not even our friends or a friend of PH - they have long been our opponents and even today, after we have given so much to them in concession, they are still not friendly to us. What little we ask - like the humble UEC recognition - is thrown back in our face with contempt. And now, although we have given so much and received so little, what little we have might also be taken away from us by Umno in Negeri Sembilan, because it is still not satisfied with what it has, although it has so much. If we are to continue to accept this treatment, what self respect and dignity can we possibly have?"

The leader that is currently representing the sentiment of DAP today is Lim Guan Eng.

Recently, Lim Guan Eng has condemned Umno and Barisan Nasional (BN) as "untrustworthy partners" in the unity government.

Despite being called a "batu api" by Umno vice president Datuk Seri Wan Rosdy Wan Ismail for his statement, Lim Guan Eng has still not backed down.

In contrast, do you know what Anthony Loke is saying?

Anthony is shifting the onus on the DAP supporters, and asking them to not be emotional or cause trouble.

“I share the same view as Saifuddin Nasution Ismail (the secretary-general of Pakatan Harapan), that as leaders, we cannot act based on emotions. We must act with wisdom.

“What we want today is for the state to remain stable and for the federal government to remain stable. Only when the state government is stable can the federal government also remain stable. Therefore, we must be patient and have a strategy," Anthony said, in response to DAP supporters who are desirous of a more aggressive stance, like dissolving the state assembly and calling for a snap election.

In other words, in the view of DAP supporters, Anthony wishes to shake the hands of those who slapped DAP, while Lim Guan Eng is increasingly positioning himself as someone that DAP can count on to only shake the hands of those who wish to shake its hands - as to those who wish to slap DAP, he will be the leader that they can count on to slap back .

Of the two, it is likely the message by Lim Guan Eng that will resonate with DAP members and supporters today.

Anthony's fortune will shine the brightest when DAP is set to grow in status and prestige as it goes from success to success.

Lim Guan Eng's fortune on the hand, will shine when DAP is in the mood to cut its losses and limit the damage that it has incurred, while moving to preserve its dignity and self respect.

Currently, between going from success to success or cutting its losses, DAP is more likely in the latter phase.

That being the case, Anthony's fortune will start to dim, while Lim Guan Eng's star will start to shine.

IMAGE CREDIT : Utusan Borneo / Malay Mail

Wednesday, 6 May 2026

Only in racial and religious bigoted Malaysia - History text books can be edited, deleted and distorted

Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia

No News Is Bad News

For image info, go to https://www.facebook.com/reel/3793726700758212 

Only in racial and religious bigoted Malaysia - History text books can be edited, deleted and distorted

KUALA LUMPUR, May 7, 2026: Only a racial and religious bigoted Malaysian Government can shamelessly approve the editing, deleting and distorting of facts in school history text book.

And you ask why is Malaysia’s education standards and academic achievements are failing?

The appointment and retaining of the worst ever Education Minister Fadhlina Sidek and Higher Education Minister Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir is akin to adding salt to injury to the rakyat dan negara (people and country).

While Fadhlina is wasting time on “garbage education”, like promoting violence and the use of firearms, Zamry (of course from Umno!) is obsessed with preventing non-Malay Straight-A students from entering public universities.

No News Is Bad News reproduces below an article posted by The Coverage on Malaysia skewing of history text books:

News

They Silenced Orang Asli, Indians & Chinese – What They Don’t Want Your Kids to Know About Malaysian History

6 May, 2026

 

– Orang Asli Were Here First — But Malaysia’s Textbooks Refuse to Admit It

– Yap Ah Loy: The Man Who Built Kuala Lumpur But Was Erased from History

– How Malaysian Textbooks Tried to Delete the Chinese Contribution to Malaysia

– Tin Mining, Agriculture, KL — The Massive Chinese Role Malaysian Textbooks Hid

– 750,000 Indians Died Building Malaysia — But Textbooks Don’t Even Mention Them

– South Indians Built Modern Malaysia — Why Are They Erased from History?

-The Forgotten Indian Slaves Who Built Malaysia’s Roads, Rails & Economy

ADDRESSING DISTORTIONS IN MALAYSIA’S TEXTBOOKS AND HISTORICAL NARRATIVES

1. What our children are taught in schools today is not always grounded in evidence or truth – and the cost to national unity is far greater than we realize. History taught in our schools should reflect what actually happened, not what we wish had happened. More fundamentally, history has the power to unite a nation, but only when it is narrated truthfully and inclusively. We should therefore take heed of the most pertinent reminder by the late Professor Datuk Zainal Abidin Abdul Wahid: “Unpleasant facts or events must not be brushed aside” and “Students in schools must be nurtured and educated with history grounded in truth.”

2. Unfortunately, since 1996, young Malaysians have been primarily learning a form of ‘government-sanctioned history’, one that is largely viewed through the lens of a single ethnic group and skewed towards establishing Malay-Islamic dominance, based on the divisive concept of ‘ketuanan Melayu’ (Malay supremacy).

3. The problem of historical distortion extends beyond school textbooks, beginning with the Form One volume in 2016 and the Form Five volume in 2020. More disturbingly, several historians are also arguably guilty of committing ‘intellectual crimes’ by distorting history and making baseless claims that contradict clear-cut evidence, including official statistics.

4. The Form Two school history textbook (2017, page 82) perpetuates the myth that Parameswara converted to Islam in 1414. Several ethno-nationalist historians go further, asserting that Parameswara, upon conversion, adopted the name Megat Iskandar Shah.

5. This claim collapses under the weight of historical evidence. As stated by the late Emeritus Professor Tan Sri Dr Khoo Kay Kim in his book Malay Society: Transformation and Democratisation (page 8), “It is almost certain that his [Parameswara’s] son succeeded him in 1414, assuming the title of Megat Iskandar Shah.”

6. Indeed, the Ming Shih-lu (reliable Ming records) state explicitly that Megat Iskandar Shah came to Emperor Yung-lo’s court on 5 October 1414 and declared that his father, Parameswara, had died.

7. Leading scholars including OW Wolters, CH Wake, Mary Turnbull, and BW and LY Andaya (besides Sejarah Melayu) concur that the first Melaka ruler to embrace Islam in the 1430s was Seri Maharaja, who assumed the name Muhammad Shah.

8. The phenomenal role played by Yap Ah Loy in developing Kuala Lumpur has been virtually silenced in our history textbooks. Worse still, two local historians have claimed, despite clear-cut and contradictory evidence, that Raja Abdullah was the founder of Kuala Lumpur and that the town originated and developed as a Malay settlement.

9. Contemporary ‘people on the spot’ – including Frank Swettenham, who later became the Resident of Selangor in 1882, and William Hornaday, an American zoologist who visited Kuala Lumpur in 1878 – tell a different story. So do earlier history textbooks, such as the Form Four history textbook published by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka in 1979 and Standard Four History textbook published by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka in 1981.

10. Official records, including the 1879 Police Census of Kuala Lumpur and the 1959 Kuala Lumpur Municipal Council publication, together with the works of leading authorities on Kuala Lumpur’s early history such as JM Gullick and SM Middlebrook, all converge on two critical and indisputable facts: Kuala Lumpur originated and developed primarily as a Chinese township, and Yap Ah Loy (third Kapitan Cina, 1868–1885) was primarily responsible for its development.

11. According to Frank Swettenham, a British colonial administrator, Kuala Lumpur in 1872 was “a purely Chinese village, consisting of two rows of adobe-built dwellings thatched with palm leaves”. In a similar vein, the 1879 Police Census of Selangor reveals that Kuala Lumpur’s population stood at 2,330, of whom 82 per cent were Chinese.

12. Raja Abdullah’s (the district chief of Klang) only claim to being the founder of Kuala Lumpur rests on the minor and incidental fact that he sent 87 Chinese miners in 1857 to mine tin ore in Ampang, which was a different district altogether from Kuala Lumpur. As stated by JM Gullick, Kuala Lumpur grew from the settlement established in 1859 by the first Kapitan Cina of Kuala Lumpur, Hiu Siew, and his business partner Ah Sze, near the confluence of the Klang and Gombak rivers (formerly Old Market Square and now Medan Pasar). Significantly, the Kuala Lumpur Municipal Council celebrated Kuala Lumpur’s 100th anniversary in 1959, not in 1957.

13. Perhaps one of the most serious shortcomings of our school history textbooks is their denial of the historical role and significance of the Orang Asli. There is no acknowledgment of them as the original inhabitants or “sons of the soil” of Peninsular Malaysia. Nor is there mention of their crucial role in early international trade as collectors of forest produce, their service as porters and guides, their appointment as Penghulus and their role as the fighting force during the Melaka Sultanate, and the historical fact that Minangkabau immigrants in Negeri Sembilan married Orang Asli women to establish land rights through the female line.

14. Our history textbooks must tell the truth, as powerfully expressed by Dato’ Abdul Rahman Andak, Secretary to Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor in 1894: “The aborigines were the proprietors of the soil, and we, the Malays came there [Malay Peninsula] from a place in the Island of Sumatra.” Additionally, Malaya’s Indonesian population (mainly Javanese, Banjarese, Sumatrans, Bugis, and Boyanese or Baweanese) increased from approximately 30,000 in 1901 to about 240,000 in 1931. As stated by Emeritus Professor Tunku Dato’ Shamsul Baharin, a renowned academic, numerically, “the migration of the Indonesians into Malaya is a recent phenomenon”.

15. The ‘government-sanctioned history’ also downplays the profound and enduring impact of Hindu-Buddhist influence on Malay statecraft, coronation ceremonies of Malay rulers, language, literature, and customs. As stated by Ismail Hamid in his book Masyarakat dan Budaya Melayu (1988, page 55), “… kebudayaan Hindu telah meninggalkan beberapa kesan dalam setiap bidang kehidupan orang Melayu hingga dewasa ini”.

16. The textbooks have also omitted the pioneering role of the Chinese in nineteenth-century commercial agriculture and minimized their central contribution to the development of Malaya’s tin mining industry. A glaring and misleading error appears in the Form Three history textbook (2018, page 140), which states that the British cultivated various commercial crops, including pepper and gambier. In reality, pepper and gambier were cultivated largely by the Chinese in Johor in the mid-nineteenth century.

17. Equally alarming, instead of giving due credit to Chinese entrepreneurs and miners, the Form Three history textbook (2018, page 212) alludes that Long Jaafar, the territorial chief of Larut, was primarily responsible for the Federated Malay States (FMS) becoming the largest tin producer in the world. The undeniable truth is that Long Jaafar died in 1857, whereas the FMS became the world’s largest tin producer only towards the end of the nineteenth century.

18. Finally, our history textbooks have largely marginalized the pivotal role of South Indian labour in the development of the rubber industry, which became Malaya’s principal revenue earner from 1916 and remained so for several decades thereafter.

19. Equally glaring is the total absence of any acknowledgment of the indispensable contribution of South Indian workers to the construction of Malaya’s physical infrastructure – its roads, railways, bridges, ports, airports, and government buildings. As noted by Kernial Singh Sandhu, a leading authority on Indians in Malaya, it is estimated that more than 750,000 Indians may have perished in the process of developing modern Malaya and opening up treacherous jungle tracts for rubber cultivation. In the poignant words of a former Indian labour leader, “Every railway sleeper and rubber tree in Malaya marks the remains of an Indian.”

20. Historical omissions, distortions, and half-truths are not harmless mistakes; to my mind, they are ‘intellectual crimes’. Enough is enough. It is time for all right-thinking Malaysians, regardless of ethnicity or background, to stand united and demand better. Our children deserve an education grounded in truth, evidence, and inclusivity. Only by teaching an honest and inclusive history can we build a shared national identity, restore trust in our institutions, and secure a just and united future for our beloved nation. May God bless Malaysia – a nation founded on unity in diversity.

Ranjit Singh Malhi

Source : James Chin FB

Monday, 4 May 2026

Malaysia’s education going down south all the way with bigoted educators

Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia

No News Is Bad News

Malaysia’s education going down south all the way with bigoted educators

KUALA LUMPUR, May 4, 2026: No matter how brilliant is former Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) Governor Dr Muhammad Ibrahim’s speech on education is, the key educators in Malaysia are just deaf.

Both Malaysia’s worst ever Education Minister Fadhlina Sidek and Higher Education Minister Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir do not have the brains or courage to reform Malaysia’s “backward” education system.

While Fadhlina is more content with matters like promoting the use of firearms and violence in schools, Zambry is more interested in denying straight-A students from entering public universities, if they are non-Malays.

Both may not even have the intelligence to understand why our closest neighbour, Singapore , is forging more and more ahead of Malaysia in the education system and academic excellence and standards..

That is clearly why Malaysia’s education standards and academic achievements are failing, producing unemployable graduates who are only good at engaging in religious bigotry and extremism.

No action whatsoever against such bigoted educators, led by Fadhlina. While Singapore forges far, far ahead of Malaysia.

 

Former DAP Selangor executive councillor Ronnie Liu lamented on Facebook: 

A brilliant speech by dr Muhammad Ibrahim on education. He's former bank negara governor.

At the Kongres Pendidikan Bumiputra, organised by Biro Pendidikan Umno @pwtc @01052026

It's lengthy but certainly worth your time.

I hope both the minister of education and minister of higher education would view his 53 proposals positively.

-ronnie liu

Reimagining Malaysia’s Education System for the Future

Muhammad bin Ibrahim FCB

1 May 2026

Kuala Lumpur

Distinguished colleagues, respected educators, policymakers, and fellow Malaysians,

We are already 25 years into the 21st century and looking at the direction of our education is certainly timely.

A moment where the resources beneath our soil will not determine the future of Malaysia, but by the capabilities within our people.

And at the centre of that future, quietly but decisively stands our education system.

Let us begin with honesty.

Malaysia has not failed in education. We have achieved near universal access. In terms of accessibility, we certainly did very well. We have invested significant public resources. We have built a system that reaches almost every child.

Since independence, Malaysia has consistently allocated one of the largest shares of public expenditure to education, typically around 15–20% of total government spending annually. In cumulative terms, this amounts to hundreds of billions of ringgit invested over decades.

But access is no longer the question. Quality, relevance, and outcomes are.

When benchmarked against global standards such as PISA, our performance tells a story we must have the honesty to read in full.

In the most recent cycle, PISA 2022, whose results were published in December 2023, Malaysia scored 409 in mathematics, 388 in reading, and 416 in science.

The OECD averages stand at 472, 476, and 485 respectively.

Singapore, our nearest benchmark in the region, scored 575 in mathematics and 543 in reading.

That is not a gap. That is a gulf, equivalent to several years of schooling. But the score gap alone is not the most alarming part of this picture.

What is more alarming is the direction of travel. Between 2018 and 2022, Malaysia's overall PISA performance fell by more than six percent. Mathematics dropped from 440 to 409.

Reading fell from 415 to 388. We are not standing still. We are moving backwards. And we must say so plainly.

The World Bank in its Malaysian Economic Monitor (2024), ‘Bending Bamboo Shoots: Strengthening Foundational Skills’, concluded that Malaysia has achieved strong access and investments, but learning quality and outcomes lag behind expectations.

Of more concerning, the World Bank report showed that Malaysian students spend approximately 12.9 years in school, but learning outcomes are equivalent to only about 8.9 years of effective learning, indicating a ‘learning deficit’ or inefficiency, causing many students struggled with basic literacy and numeracy, especially in early grades.

The WB suggested that more investment should be directed to preschool and primary. More damning, it concluded that Malaysian education system is not yet producing the skills needed for a high-income economy.

Within ASEAN, Malaysia performs better than some peers, but remains behind the regional frontier, particularly Singapore, and increasingly Vietnam.

And then there is the question of who, precisely, is being left behind. In reading, only 42 percent of Malaysian 15-year-olds reach the minimum proficiency level, against a 74 percent OECD average. In mathematics, the figure is 41 percent, against 69 percent.

At the very top of the performance scale, the students who will become our scientists, our engineers, our innovators, just one percent of Malaysian students qualify as top performers in mathematics. The OECD average is nine percent. Singapore stands at 41 percent.

Malaysia does not lack basic capability. Malaysia lacks high-level excellence at scale.

And the data tells us that this deficit is not shrinking. It is widening.

Transformation is imperative

And when our students enter the workforce, too many are found wanting, not in qualification, but in capability.

This yawning gap is a problem we must confront head-on.

We need transformational change, not piecemeal tweaks that merely paper over deep-rooted cracks in our education sector. Incremental fixes have prolonged inefficiency, eroded public trust, and squandered opportunities for sustainable growth.

True transformation demands bold, systemic overhaul, reimagining governance structures, harnessing digital innovation, and embedding accountability at every level.

Only then can we unlock Malaysia’s potential in building a strong education system that leads towards a resilient and strong economy and a nation that leads, not lags, in the global arena.

The challenge before us is not one of funding alone. It is a challenge of design, discipline, and direction.

We must ask ourselves:

Are we teaching too much, and learning too little?

Are we examining too narrowly, and preparing too broadly?

Are we managing education, rather than leading it?

I want to offer my perspectives. Based on my experience as a student with the privilege of studying both domestically and overseas, as a job seeker, and as an employer.

First, we must redesign what we teach.

Our curriculum today is dense, perhaps too dense.

We must have the courage to do what systems rarely do, teach less, but teach better, reduce content and deepen understanding.

Prioritise mastery in fundamentals, literacy, numeracy, and scientific reasoning.

The 21st-century education is no longer just about how much students know, but how effectively they can use what they have learned.

At its core, it requires students to develop the ability to think critically, solve unfamiliar problems, and make sound decisions in a world where answers are not always clear.

Equally important is their ability to communicate ideas clearly and work with others, often across different cultures and perspectives.

In a digital age, students must also be capable of navigating technology, understanding not just how to use tools, but how to evaluate information, distinguish fact from misinformation, and act responsibly online.

Alongside these, the ability to manage oneself has become essential, being adaptable in the face of change, resilient when encountering setbacks, disciplined in effort, and committed to continuous learning.

These skills are not separate subjects to be taught in isolation. They must be embedded within the learning process itself, shaping how students engage with knowledge, rather than simply what they memorize.

Ultimately, while academic content may help students succeed in examinations such as SPM, it is these broader capabilities that will determine their ability to thrive in life and in a rapidly evolving technology and the economy.

But beyond that, cultivate what the future demands, the ability to think critically, to communicate clearly and to solve problems that are not in textbooks.

The future economy that our children will inherit will not reward memorisation. It will reward adaptability, judgement and the agility for them to reinvent themselves.

Second, we must change how we assess learning.

As long as success is defined narrowly by examinations such as SPM, our classrooms will continue to teach to the test.

Don’t misunderstand me. Examinations should remain. In fact, they must. Eliminating examinations to my mind, is regressive. And foolish. We need examinations to identify talent, streaming, and catch those who lag, so that remedial actions can be administered.

But they must evolve.

From recall to reasoning. From standard answers to applied thinking. From certainty to judgement.

Because what we test ultimately shapes what we value. If we do this, we will equip our young generation with the necessary ‘survival skills’.

Third, we must embrace multilingual proficiency as a strategic advantage, supported by the return of English-medium pathways.

Bahasa Malaysia anchors our national identity and unity.

English and now, Mandarin connects us to global knowledge, commerce, and innovation.

We must depoliticize language, harnessing it as a source of national competitiveness rather than a weapon of endless parochial polemics.

A language cannot be mastered through instruction alone.

It must be used as a medium of learning to acquire emerging knowledge.

This is why Malaysia should reintroduce English-medium schools or streams within the public system.

Not as a replacement for Bahasa Melayu, but as a complementary pathway. It also gives additional choices to parents for the type of education they prefer for their children. Government ought to be less paternalistic when it come to educational choices.

Another language that the future generation of

Malaysians should master is Mandarin.

Mastering Mandarin offers clear benefits. First, it boosts employability in business, diplomacy, tourism, and technology sectors deeply engaged with Chinese-speaking markets.

Second, it can be aligned with national education strategies by equipping students with a globally rising language and access to cutting-edge Chinese research.

Third, as China emerges as one of the world’s foremost economic powers and a major trading force, it unlocks vast economic, business and employment opportunities.

Adopting multilingual system in public education will strengthen real proficiency in languages especially English and Mandarin. It will also reduce dependence on costly fees imposed by private and international schools. It will democratise access to global competencies, and improve readiness for higher education and the workforce. It will also give an opportunity to B40 group to acquire a skill that will enhance their social welfare.

At the same time, Bahasa Melayu must remain strong and compulsory as it reflects the national identity that must remain anchored as a national pride.

The goal is not monolingualism. The goal is to have confident multilingual Malaysians.

Fourth, we must recognise that one pathway cannot serve all, and that TVET must become a future-focused pillar of our education system.

The future economy will not be built by academics alone.

It will be built by engineers, technicians, designers, coders, digital specialists, and skilled craftsmen, individuals whose talents are diverse, but equally critical. These are critical lessons derived from the economic history of developed economies.

Technical and Vocational Education and Training, TVET, must therefore be repositioned:

Not as a fallback, but as a first-choice pathway for future industries.

This would require a fundamental shift in the thinking of policy makers, turning TVET education, from low perception to high prestige, from narrow skills to advanced, technology-driven competencies and from isolated training to strong industry integration.

Malaysian TVET education must be aligned with advanced manufacturing, digital technologies, green economy and sustainability, automation, AI, and robotics.

Given that TVET education will provide a major contributor to future economic growth, its pathways must be fully integrated into the national qualifications framework, allowing progression from certificates to diplomas, degrees, and beyond.

TVET education is a different route to excellence.

And the budget allocation to TVET education must reflect the criticality of these future pathways.

A single ‘MQA’ for TVET education is an imperative

Another critical point, a single, centralised system for quality assurance may appear efficient on paper, but in practice, it risks blurring fundamentally different missions.

This is particularly true in the case of the Malaysian Qualifications Agency (MQA) and Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET).

MQA was designed to regulate and assure standards in academic and higher education pathways, degree programs, research quality, institutional accreditation, and comparability with global frameworks.

Its orientation is scholarly, standards-based, and internationally aligned.

TVET, by contrast, is industry-driven, skills-based, and closely tied to labour market needs, employer practices, and rapidly evolving technologies.

To place both under a single institutional framework risks forcing a false convergence. Academic pathways may become overly bureaucratized by compliance requirements designed for skills training, while TVET risks being over-academised, judged by criteria that do not reflect workplace competence or industry relevance.

The result is neither efficiency nor clarity, but dilution.

There is also a deeper structural issue. TVET must be agile. It must respond quickly to changes in industry demand, technological shifts, and evolving skill requirements. This requires close and continuous engagement with employers, sector bodies, and regional economic priorities.

An agency dedicated solely to TVET can be designed with this responsiveness at its core, governed with strong industry representation, empowered to update standards rapidly, and measured by employment outcomes rather than academic benchmarks.

MQA, on the other hand, must safeguard academic integrity, comparability, and long-term institutional credibility. Its strength lies in consistency, rigor, and alignment with global higher education standards, not in rapid iteration.

MQA should also be selective in its regulation, giving as much freedom as possible to educational institution to response quickly to the demand of industry, advancement of technology and free will to innovate. It must increasingly adopt ‘light regulation’ giving universities autonomy as much as possible. By ‘light regulation’ means less regulation, less bureaucracy and less heavy handedness.

Separating the two into independent agencies is therefore not fragmentation, it is clarity of purpose. It allows each system to be governed according to its own logic, evaluated by appropriate metrics, and developed with the right stakeholders at the table.

Importantly, separation does not mean disconnection. A well-designed interface between the two systems, through credit transfer frameworks, recognition of prior learning, and lifelong learning pathways, can ensure permeability without forcing uniformity.

In short, if Malaysia is serious about elevating both academic excellence and skills mastery, it must resist the temptation to treat them as variants of the same system.

They are complementary, but distinct. And they will perform best when each is entrusted to an independent institution with a clear mandate, focused governance, and accountability aligned to its purpose.

Fifth, we must place teachers at the centre of reform.

No system rises above the quality of its teachers.

Yet today, too many are burdened not by teaching, but by administration.

We must free them to do what matters most, to teach, to guide and to inspire. We need to invest in their development and strengthen their professional standing.

And we must trust them, because without trust, reform becomes mere compliance.

In this respect, the government might want to consider imposing a one percent ‘contribution fee’ on all private higher institutions for the purpose of training and developing school teachers.

Sixth, we must rebalance governance.

Our system today is highly centralised under the Ministry of Education Malaysia, with quality assurance functions performed by bodies such as the Malaysian Qualifications Agency. This structure has served us very well over the last few decades.

But when policy, implementation, and evaluation sit too closely together, accountability becomes blurred.

The challenges of the 21st century compel us to move toward a new model. I would like to propose an independent Education Commission, to set standards, measure outcomes, and report transparently.

It ought to focus on delivery and be empowered to innovate within clear national parameters.

Not fragmentation, but clarity of roles, dispelling perceptions of a politically driven education system.

Let me elaborate.

Recent surveys by the Merdeka Centre (2024) suggest that a substantial majority of Malaysians view education policy as overly politicised, eroding trust in institutions like the Ministry of Education and state education departments.

A role-clarity model, inspired by successful federal-state hybrids in Australia and Canada, assigns the MOE to national curriculum frameworks and funding equity, states to localised delivery and teacher training, and independent bodies like the Malaysian Examinations Council to unbiased assessments.

The benefits are tangible, enhanced trust through transparent role matrices that reduce accusations of federal overreach or state capture, stronger outcomes through more focused delivery and sustainability, shielding education from electoral cycles and aligning with the nation’s aspirational goals for merit-based governance.

We ought to be mindful that this is not decentralisation for its own sake, but a deliberate architecture for excellence, ensuring education serves national unity, not political expediency.

Therefore, restructuring Malaysia’s education system demands precision, not fragmentation. By clearly delineating roles, empowering autonomous state-level implementation while preserving federal oversight on standards and equity, we foster accountability without diffusion of responsibility.

This approach directly counters the entrenched perception of a politically driven system, where appointments and curricula appear swayed by partisan agendas.

Seventh, we must embrace controlled decentralisation

Malaysia is a tapestry of diversity, not a uniform monolith. The bustling classrooms of Kuala Lumpur, equipped with cutting-edge technology and facing urban challenges like overcrowding, demand solutions worlds apart from the rural schools in Sabah, Sarawak, Terengganu and Kelantan, where access to teachers, internet, and even basic infrastructure remains a daily struggle.

Similarly, the Orang Asli communities in Peninsular Malaysia require culturally attuned education that honours their traditions, languages, and lifestyles, rather than one-size-fits-all mandates from Putrajaya.

To thrive, we must empower states, districts, and local authorities with the flexibility to tailor policies to their unique contexts, adapting curricula, teacher training, and resource allocation to local realities.

Yet, this devolution cannot descend into chaos. National standards must serve as our unbreakable guardrails: core competencies in Bahasa Melayu, STEM, and civic values; rigorous accountability through performance metrics and audits, and equitable funding formulas to prevent any region from falling behind.

This controlled decentralisation is not a dilution of unity, it is the smart amplification of it. By trusting our federal structure, we unlock innovation from the ground up, ensuring every Malaysian child, from the coasts of Kelantan to the coasts of Sabah, receives an education that propels them forward.

Eighth, we must ensure stability in policy, and remove politics from education.

One of the most damaging features of our system has been frequent policy shifts, changes in language of instruction, changes in curriculum direction and changes in assessment emphasis.

Each shift imposed will involve adjustment costs on teachers, confusion for students and inconsistency in outcomes.

Education cannot be governed on short-term cycles. It requires long-term consistency and discipline.

Equally important, education must not be politicised.

Decisions on curriculum, language, and standards must be guided by evidence, pedagogy and national interest. Certainly, not by short-term political considerations.

Ninth, we must give parents a voice within a fair system.

Choice matters.

But choice without equity creates division. We must design a system where parents can choose what is best for their children, where schools are accountable and where access remains fair to all.

If necessary, introduce an Education Voucher Scheme targeted at eligible low-income families in rural and underserved areas. This program would provide redeemable vouchers, valued at approximately RM500–1,000 per child annually, enabling parents to enroll their children in approved after-school tuition classes, online learning platforms, or supplementary programs.

These vouchers complement formal day schooling by addressing key gaps in STEM, language proficiency, and critical thinking skills, which are often limited in under-resourced rural schools.

Tenth, we must align education with the economy we are building.

Finally, it is imperative that we realign our national education system with the contours of the knowledge-based economy we are strategically constructing, a digital, innovation-led, and globally integrated Malaysia poised for sustainable prosperity.

Certificates alone are insufficient, artifacts of a bygone industrial paradigm. Instead, we require a cadre of analytical thinkers adept at uncertainty navigation, action-oriented implementers capable of enterprise creation, proficient communicators bridging multicultural and transnational markets, and committed lifelong learners resilient to technological disruptions such as artificial intelligence and evolving geopolitical dynamics.

By systematically integrating science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) competencies, rigorous critical thinking frameworks, and entrepreneurial acumen across educational institutions, from metropolitan centres like Petaling Jaya to underserved rural regions, we can cultivate the human capital essential to propel Malaysia’s ascent in the global knowledge economy, ensuring equitable advancement for all citizens.

Education alone is not enough. We must also fix the economy.

Education reform, on its own, cannot carry Malaysia into the next stage of development. It can produce better graduates, stronger institutions, and more agile and adaptable citizens, but if the economy they enter remains structurally unchanged, their potential will be underutilized, and in many cases, wasted.

At present, Malaysia’s economic model still bears the imprint of an earlier era, one built on cost competitiveness rather than value creation. Growth has long been supported by relatively low wages, a steady inflow of low-cost foreign labour, and export industries that compete more on price than on innovation or sophistication.

This model delivered results in the past, lifting incomes, eradicating poverty and industrialising the economy. But it has now reached its limits.

The consequence of this economic model is a growing mismatch between aspiration and opportunity.

On one hand, education reforms are rightly pushing toward 21st-century capabilities, critical thinking, digital fluency, creativity, and multilingual competence.

On the other hand, a significant portion of the economy continues to generate jobs that neither require nor reward these skills.

Employers operating within a low-cost framework have limited incentives to invest in automation, technology adoption, workforce upskilling or engage in high-value-added businesses. Cheap labour becomes addictive and a substitute for productivity gains.

This creates a structural trap. Even if the education system improves, graduates may find themselves in an economy that does not demand higher-order skills.

Underemployment rises. Talent either migrates abroad or shifts into sectors unrelated to their training. Wage growth stagnates because firms are not competing on productivity, but on cost minimisation.

Dependence on low-cost foreign labour further entrenches this equilibrium. It suppresses wage signals that would otherwise push firms to innovate. It delays necessary investments in mechanisation and digitalisation. And it fragments the labour market, especially the B40 group that bear the brunt of an economy relying on low-cost model and unskilled foreign labour, making it harder to build a cohesive, high-skilled workforce.

Similarly, an export model that remains concentrated in mid to low-value segments faces intensifying competition from lower-cost economies. Without moving up the value chain, into design, R&D, advanced manufacturing, and services, Malaysia risks being squeezed from both ends and perpetually entrenched in the middle-income category, too expensive to compete with the lowest-cost producers, yet not sufficiently innovative to compete with advanced economies.

In this context, education reform becomes necessary, but not sufficient to make real comprehensive changes.

For reform to be meaningful, it must be matched by a deliberate restructuring of the economy. This means shifting from a cost-based model to a productivity and innovation-driven one.

It means reducing structural reliance on low-wage labour and creating incentives for firms to automate, upgrade, and invest in human capital. It means reorienting industrial policy toward high-value sectors, digital industries, green technologies, and knowledge-intensive services.

Crucially, it also requires policy coordination and consistency. Frequent shifts in direction undermine investor confidence and discourage long-term investments in skills and technology. Education and economic policy must move in tandem, reinforcing each other rather than operating in isolation.

Education and economic policies are Siamese twins that must move in tandem to build a skilled workforce and a resilient economy.

Technical and vocational education and training (TVET) becomes particularly important in this transition, not as a secondary pathway, but as a central pillar of a modern economy. A restructured economy will demand highly skilled technicians, engineers, and specialists who can operate, maintain, and innovate within advanced systems.

Ultimately, the issue is one of alignment.

An education system that produces high-quality human capital must be met with an economy capable of absorbing and rewarding it.

Otherwise, reform risks becoming an exercise in frustration, raising expectations without expanding opportunities.

Malaysia’s next phase of development will therefore not be determined by education policy alone, nor by economic policy in isolation, but by how effectively the two are integrated into a coherent national strategy.

Without that alignment, education reform will improve the supply of talent, but not the returns to it. With alignment, however, Malaysia can move decisively from a low-cost economy to a high-value, high-income nation.

Conclusion

Reform will not come from a single announcement. Nor from a single blueprint. It will come from discipline in execution, from consistency over time, from resisting the temptation to change course too often, and from the courage to focus on what truly matters.

Malaysia does not lack investment. Nor talent. What we must now ensure is that our system does not dilute either, and that we restructure our economy so that education reform is not wasted.

If we get this right, we will not only climb rankings like PISA and close the gap with leaders like Singapore. We shall build a generation of Malaysians, confident in who they are, competent in what they do, and capable of shaping the future they inherit.

-Dr Muhammad Ibrahim

FORMER bank negara governor.