Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia
No News Is Bad News
Can DAP make a political U-turn to save itself by leaving PH?
KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 4, 2026: DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke say he has resigned as Negri Sembilan (N9) DAP chief to take responsibility for the party’s electoral losses.
Why only as N9 chief?
Where is his responsibility and accountability for the earlier two humiliating losses in Sabah last November and Johor?
The three losses in the states clearly show the rakyat (people) has lost their confidence and faith in DAP under Loke to forward their aspirations for genuine/real reforms demi rakyat dan negara (for people and country).
Who in the DAP in the past had contested in elections in a state and failed to even win a single seat and losing all 10 incumbent seats?
DAP’s political misfortune started in Sabah last November when it lost all eight seats it contested.
So, Mr Loke, why are you still so shameless and holding on to the party leadership, denying another more competent leader to helm and strengthen the DAP towards the next general election (GE16).
Mr Loke, do you know why you were rejected in Chennah and DAP is fast losing credibility, faith and confidence of the rakyat?
You and your team of boot-lickers have been aping what MCA has and is still doing in Barisan Nasional (BN) - working hard to boot-lick the racial and religious bigoted Umno pencuri-pencuri (thieves) to sustain the party as Umno’s No.1 lapdog (chow kow).
The DAP under Loke is still continuing to boot-lick Malaysia’s 10th Prime Minister (PMX) Anwar and PH and has rightly earned the “honour” of transforming DAP into MCA 2.0.
Unless DAP gets the NATO (No Action Talk Only) PMX Anwar to start reforming the country’s socio-economic woes, especially the threat to national unity and harmony posed by the racial and religious bigots, DAP and PH will be heading towards an electoral disaster in the next general election (GE16).
Is this the outcome of GE16?
After electing 40 DAP MPs in the 222-seat Parliament in GE15, what have DAP contributed to national unity and harmony - NOTHING.
DAP just lost its tongue and just “worships” NATO Anwar.
Why is he untouchable by the law under 3R?
So, Mr Loke, just resign for another competent leader to rise, one who has the courage to tell Anwar, start reforming or DAP leaves PH!
No News Is Bad News reproduces below more than enough news clips for our readers to digest on the political woes of multi-racial Malaysians:
Loke resigns as Negri Sembilan DAP chief [WATCH]
August 3, 2026 @ 11:03pm
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NjiWgm9FwBM&t=3s (
Loke resigns as Negri Sembilan DAP chief)
KUALA LUMPUR: DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke today announced his resignation as the party's Negri Sembilan chief.
In his first public appearance after the Negri Sembilan election, Loke also said he would remain as DAP secretary-general following the decision by the party's Central Executive Committee (CEC).
Loke said he decided to resign as the state DAP chief, a position he had held for 22 years, as he wanted to take responsibility for the party's performance after losing two seats in the Aug 1 polls.
The seats included Chennah, which Loke had held since 2013.
"I am making this decision to step down as chairman, firstly because I feel responsible and accountable for my failure to defend Chennah and our loss of the Repah seat in the recent state election.
"So now the time has come for me to hand over the state leadership to someone else.
"This is my personal decision without any pressure from the party, but I feel compelled to do so because this is the best time to hand this position to another leader," said Loke, who is also transport minister, during a press conference after the party's CEC meeting.
Also present were DAP adviser Lim Guan Eng, national chairman Gobind Singh Deo, deputy secretaries-general Hannah Yeoh and Ramkarpal Singh, vice-chairman Syahredzan Johan and national organising secretary Khoo Poay Tiong.
Loke said his resignation as the state DAP chief would take effect after he calls the Negri Sembilan DAP committee meeting this week to choose a new state chairman.
Asked whether there were suitable candidates, Loke said many of the party's state leaders were highly experienced.
"The party's strength does not depend on one person. We have many state assemblymen who have perhaps served four terms. There are members of Parliament, and there are those who have served as state executive council members," he said.
Loke reflected on the party's journey under his leadership, highlighting that DAP Negri Sembilan had won only two seats when he first took over the chairmanship in 2004.
"Now, after 22 years, we have two members of Parliament and we managed to retain nine seats," he said.
DAP has suffered a series of electoral setbacks since the Sabah election, where the party lost all six seats it contested. Last month, the party won only six of the 17 seats it contested in the Johor election.
The party suffered another major setback in the Negri Sembilan election after losing two seats, including Chennah. In the recent state polls, Loke failed to defend the seat after losing a straight fight to Barisan Nasional's Siow Kong Choon, the Negri Sembilan MCA Youth chief.
Following the party's overall performance in the state election, Loke said he might relinquish his position as the Negri Sembilan DAP chief.
However, several DAP leaders had urged him to reconsider his decision and continue leading the state party.
Transport Minister Anthony Loke today announced his resignation as Negri Sembilan DAP chairman following the party’s setback in the recent state election. - NSTP pic
During my recent trip to Kuching, I spoke to a wide range of people. One of my parting questions was: “Is there one thing the DAP can do that would make you consider voting for them?”
Almost everyone gave the same answer: The DAP would gain more support, especially among the natives, if it truly localised the party.
Carrying a Malayan brand is really damaging. No matter how many times Sarawak DAP insists it is independent, ordinary Sarawakians simply do not believe them. To most people, DAP Sarawak is still just a “branch office” with the real CEO sitting in Kuala Lumpur. However much autonomy the branch manager is given, at the end of the day he still has to answer to the CEO.
Do you think this is genuine feedback? Let me know.
When I gave a talk in Sarawak last year, the Sarawak DAP youth chief came and proudly said "I am pro-federalism." What can I say after someone has declared openly his political allegiance to KL and the current federal-state setup. True story. People who were in the audience can vouch for me. People from ROSE were also there but they did not say anything. I guess they support his position as well. There is a small group of Sarawakians who believe that working with the current federal-state structure is good for the future of Sarawak. They do not want to see Sarawak and Sabah gain more political power.
As someone who has spent his entire academic career studying Sabah and Sarawak and the federalism system, I can tell you that for the past six decades it has been an unhappy arrangement.
If we want a happy federation, we must rebalance the power between Malaya and Borneo. For the past sixty years Malaya has held power over us, and it is time we tell them we want a more balanced arrangement. This was the vision of the founders.
#Sarawak #DAPSarawak #PRNSarawak
In Loke's defeat, lessons for DAP
Instead of practising succession planning, the party has become dependent on a small circle of senior leaders unwilling to relinquish political territory.
August 3, 2026 1:48 PM
The humiliating defeat of DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke in the Negeri Sembilan state election should not simply be seen as an electoral setback. It should be remembered as the moment that finally exposed one of the party's oldest and least democratic habits: the insistence by its power brokers on contesting both Parliament and state assembly seats.
For decades, DAP has justified this practice with the convenient excuse of “leadership continuity” or “strategic necessity”. In reality, it has become little more than a mechanism for concentrating power in the hands of a small political elite.
No democratic party that genuinely believes in leadership renewal should tolerate the same individuals occupying multiple elected offices while hundreds of capable younger members wait indefinitely for an opportunity to serve.
Every state seat monopolised by a federal heavyweight is one less chance for a new generation to gain legislative experience, prove themselves to voters and develop into future national leaders.
This has never been about public service. It has been about political control. The irony is especially painful for a party that has spent decades presenting itself as Malaysia’s most democratic political organisation.
Democracy is not merely about holding internal elections every few years. It also requires the deliberate sharing of political opportunities, the decentralisation of authority and the willingness of senior leaders to make way for younger successors.
Instead, DAP has too often practised precisely the opposite.
The concentration of parliamentary and state positions among a handful of senior leaders has created an unhealthy culture in which political influence becomes increasingly centralised. Local leaders become dependent on national personalities.
State branches struggle to cultivate independent leadership. Young politicians find promotion blocked unless an established figure decides to retire – a decision that too often never comes.
Loke’s defeat has now demonstrated the risks of this outdated strategy. Rather than strengthening the party, concentrating responsibility in one individual has left it more vulnerable. When one political heavyweight falls, the consequences reverberate throughout the organisation.
A healthy political party distributes leadership; it does not concentrate it. Many mature democracies recognise this principle. Political renewal is treated not as a threat but as a necessity. Senior politicians mentor successors rather than permanently occupying every strategic position available.
Institutions become stronger because they are built on teams rather than personalities. DAP should learn that lesson before voters teach it again.
The practice of contesting both federal and state seats belongs to another era. It reflects a politics of insecurity, where leaders appear unwilling to trust anyone except themselves. Such behaviour sends an unmistakable message to younger members: your loyalty is welcome, but your leadership is not.
No party can claim to champion meritocracy while denying opportunities to its own talented members.
Loke’s defeat should therefore become more than an individual political disappointment. It should serve as the catalyst for sweeping democratic reform within DAP.
The party should adopt a clear principle: one leader, one elected legislature. MPs should concentrate on national issues. State assemblymen should build state leadership. Federal leaders should resist the temptation to dominate state politics simply because they possess greater name recognition.
Note Andy Burnham’s resignation as mayor of Greater Manchester when he contested a federal seat.
Such reform would immediately create opportunities for younger leaders, strengthen state organisations, broaden the party’s talent pool and reduce the excessive concentration of power that has characterised DAP’s internal culture for far too long.
If DAP genuinely believes in democratic renewal for Malaysia, it must first demonstrate democratic renewal within its own ranks. The old guard has often spoken about institutional reform. Now it is time to practise it.
Loke’s defeat should not merely close one electoral chapter. It should close the chapter on DAP’s culture of political monopolies. Anything less would simply confirm that, despite all its rhetoric about reform, DAP remains captive to the same entrenched political elite who have mistaken leadership for ownership and public office for personal entitlement.
Karpal’s reminder
One of the hallmarks of mature democratic parties around the world is that they institutionalise leadership renewal. Whether through formal term limits, succession planning, or simply an established political culture of stepping aside, successful parties understand that no individual is indispensable.
This was articulated some years ago by one of DAP’s more principled leaders, Karpal Singh. DAP leaders are expected not merely to win elections, but to cultivate the next generation capable of replacing them.
The best political leaders measure their success not by how long they remain in office, but by how many capable successors they leave behind.
This is why many democratic systems consciously avoid the excessive accumulation of political office in a single individual. Leadership is dispersed rather than concentrated.
Younger politicians are deliberately given opportunities to contest winnable seats, gain administrative experience, and establish their own public credibility. Such renewal strengthens institutions because the party becomes larger than any one personality.
DAP has increasingly moved in the opposite direction. Instead of practising succession planning, it has become dependent on an increasingly small circle of senior leaders who seem unwilling to relinquish political territory. Contesting both parliamentary and state seats has become less a strategic necessity than a symbol of entrenched political entitlement.
This is precisely the political culture DAP spent decades condemning in Barisan Nasional.
For years, DAP criticised Umno for concentrating power in the hands of political warlords, suppressing younger talent, rewarding loyalty over renewal, and treating constituencies as personal fiefdoms.
Yet when senior DAP leaders insist on simultaneously dominating both federal and state politics, what meaningful distinction remains?
The party that once demanded institutional reform now risks becoming an institution resistant to reform. Every parliamentary leader who also occupies a state seat sends an unmistakable message throughout the party hierarchy: advancement depends less on merit than on waiting for the old guard to vacate their positions. Such a culture breeds frustration, discourages initiative, and eventually drives away talented younger members who see little prospect of meaningful advancement.
No political party can indefinitely survive on yesterday’s heroes. Loke’s electoral defeat should therefore be viewed not simply as the loss of one senior politician but as a warning against an outdated organisational culture that has concentrated authority for far too long.
Rather than seeking yet another justification for maintaining the status quo, DAP should seize this opportunity to undertake genuine democratic reform. It should adopt a clear principle that no senior leader should simultaneously monopolise federal and state representation. Leadership renewal should become an institutional obligation rather than a matter of personal discretion.
If DAP truly wishes to distinguish itself from the old politics it has spent half a century attacking, it must demonstrate that leadership is a trust, not a possession; that public office is a responsibility, not a lifetime entitlement; and that the strongest leaders are those confident enough to make themselves replaceable.
Otherwise, the party risks becoming what it once opposed: an organisation where political power is accumulated, succession is postponed, and reform remains a slogan rather than a practice.
Kua Kia Soong is director of human rights group Suaram and a former DAP MP. The views expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the position of MalaysiaNow.
Election results show Malaysia trapped in a cycle of race-religion politics
Below Copy and Paste from Lawyer/Activist Liyana Marzuki :
SIMBIOSIS
Setiap kali pilihanraya kita akan dihidangkan benda yang sama.
“Tanahair kita akan dirampas orang. Kaum minoriti naik tocang. Mereka menindas kita”
Orang politik cuba tanamkan dalam kepala kita, banyak masalah dalam negara, puncanya bangsa lain. Cina dan India terutamanya.
Setiap kali pilihanraya, orang politik akan kata, bukan Melayu makin besar kepala. Bukan Melayu disalahkan ajer.
Melayu miskin sebab Cina rampas kekayaan Melayu.
Melayu hilang tanah sebab Cina beli Tanah Rizab Melayu.
Melayu tak salah terima rasuah, Cina yang memberi dulu.
Pepatah Melayu ada menyebut, satu jari menuding ke orang, 4 jari menunding ke diri sendiri.
Kalau kita amati, apa sahaja yang berlaku kepada negara kita, adalah salah pemimpin Melayu sendiri.
10 orang terkaya di Malaysia, 9 daripadanya bukan Melayu. Cuba semak siapa partner mereka? Siapa yang bantu mereka mula meniaga?
Robert Kouk siapa yang beri lesen gula sampai dia kaya raya?
Genting Highlands siapa yang beri lesen judi dan kasino?
Tanah orang Melayu siapa yang menjual dan mencagar kepada bukan Melayu?
Melayu marhein tiada kuasa nak buat semua ini tuan-puan. Pemimpin Melayu kita di atas sana yang punya kuasa.
It’s an open secret, Maxis, Berjaya, YTL kepunyaan orang Cina dan India. Tetapi mereka lah tukang sponsor ahli dan parti politik Melayu kita.
Cuba ingat PRN dulu, bila Berjaya nak saman YB Sanusi, dia terus menikus.
Pernah nampak kah parti Melayu Islam kita menghentam kapitalist Cina? Yang mereka hentam Dong Zhong dan masyarakat Cina biasa.
Kes 1MDB dan Jana Wibawa, adakah untuk benefit Melayu sahaja? Hakikatnya, sakan proksi Cina menyerakah sama.
Tunjukkan, elit Melayu dan “Ali Baba” berpisah tiada.
**************
Itu sebab bagi kami bekas penjawat awam dan dalam sektor GLC dan korporat, bila orang politik sembang Ketuanan dan katanya kaum lain menindas. Kami gelakkan ajer. Kami tengok sendiri depan mata.
Di atas kayangan sana, mereka memerlukan satu sama lain. Elit Melayu, Cina dan India. Hubungan Simbiosis yang saling bergantung sesama sendiri.
Politikus Melayu perlukan orang Cina dan India, untuk jadi business partner. Rakan niaga dan sponsor parti.
Kapitalis bukan Melayu perlukan pemimpin Melayu yang punya kuasa memberi.
Kena tahu Malaysia ini negara ketiga terteruk di dunia mengamalkan kroni kapitalist (as in Indeks antarabangsa).
Maknanya kekayaan negara hanya berlegar di kalangan elitist.
Ali baba yang berlaku di atas sana. Tak kira bangsa dan agama ya. Mereka harmoni sahaja. Siapa sahaja boleh kaya raya. Cina, Melayu, India. Kita buddy2 dan partner2.
****************
Cuma di bawah ini mereka nak kita porak peranda. Dimainkan isu kaum dan agama. Membiakkan golongan rasis di kalangan anak muda.
Dah hampir 70 tahun kita merdeka, wayangnya tetap sama.
Dalam politik, elit politik Melayu guna kaum lain untuk menakut2kan kita.
Pada masa yang sama, dalam mencari kekayaan dan harta, mereka bersimbiosis jua.
Kita boleh tertipu dulu, tapi bukan selamanya.
Salam hormat,
Liyana Marzuki
The results of recent elections are likely to reinforce segregated political identities, with policy debates overshadowed by ethnic loyalty.
The future of Malaysian politics appears increasingly defined by a racial and religious divide, with the political landscape split between Malay-majority coalitions and a non-Malay opposition.
This dynamic was starkly visible in the results of the Negeri Sembilan state election on Saturday, where Perikatan Nasional and Barisan Nasional benefited greatly from the emphasis on Malay-Muslim unity and political leadership.
The voters seemed to be hardly interested in Pakatan Harapan’s campaign, which focused on governance amid rising racial tensions. No one cared that the Tabung Haji problems happened under the watch of Umno, the once dominant Malay-Muslim party.
It can be surmised that voters’ polling decisions are often dominated by immediate, tangible concerns – the state of the economy, the cost of living, national security or the promise of new social programmes.
In the Johor and Negeri Sembilan state elections, corruption took a back seat, relegated to the periphery of public consciousness. For many, the abstract notion of systemic graft or political malfeasance felt distant compared to the overwhelming race-based campaigns.
The strategy of appealing to Malay voters remains strong due to demographic realities, and political pragmatism is likely to maintain BN-PN cooperation for a long time to come..
The rhetoric of Malay unity is not new but has been intensifying. It is certain that BN will have a pact with PN at the next general election, due by end-2027 or early 2028. This narrative frames elections as contests for Malay political leadership and warns against a federal government allegedly dominated by DAP.
When this happens, this “Malay unity coalition” is likely to achieve an easy simple majority at GE16.
Political marginalisation
Chinese voters strongly backed DAP in Johor and Negeri Sembilan, or stayed away from voting. DAP may not be annihilated, but will end up as the only party in the opposition bloc after the next general election. And, unfortunately, the party may just become an entirely non-Malay entity.
For non-Malays, this trajectory raises concerns about political marginalisation. The Chinese lament of political marginalisation despite economic contributions, while Malays fear erosion of their rights and privileges.
This mutual anxiety fuels a cycle of race-religion politics that seems to have no clear endpoint. The “green wave” of Islamic conservatism and persistent Bumiputera policies risk deepening domestic divisions, as tensions grow between communities.
Some argue that the obsession with race and religion is a never-ending cycle, inherited from socio-economic conditions based on class and racial lines, leading to a growing number of extremist exchanges in the media.
In Negeri Sembilan, the racial split with opposition forces being all non-Malays could further entrench communal voting patterns. This may impact the Malaysian lifestyle by reinforcing segregated political identities, where policy debates are overshadowed by ethnic loyalty.
The call for Malay unity, however, has been met with cautions against being misinterpreted as hostility towards other ethnic communities, with PN and BN leaders calling for mutual respect. Yet, the practical effect of such rhetoric is likely to polarise the electorate.
Where will it all end?
The trajectory suggests that unless there is a fundamental shift towards issue-based politics, Malaysia may remain trapped in a cycle of racial and religious polarisation. The current coalition politics remains fluid and unpredictable, with factional rivalries and leadership struggles.
Some observers take the view that Malay unity reflects an outdated political framework increasingly disconnected from modern Malaysia, and that a mature statesman should aspire to transcend it.
However, the demographic and political incentives for Malay-Muslim-centric appeals remain powerful, suggesting that race-religion politics will persist for the foreseeable future, shaping not just elections but the daily lives of Malaysians across communal lines.
The bottom line is that we can kiss the hopes of a Bangsa Malaysia goodbye.
Editor’s note: The Negeri Sembilan election on Aug 1 ended with Barisan Nasional winning 18 seats through Umno (16) and MCA (2), while its election ally Perikatan Nasional won 7 seats through PAS (4) and Wawasan (3). Pakatan Harapan will form the opposition, having won only 11 seats (six less than in 2023) through DAP (9) and PKR (2).
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
MCA, MIC benefit when Umno is strong, says analyst
The MCA victory in Chennah, ousting DAP's Loke Siew Fook, is believed to be the result of Malay voters going out ‘in droves’ to support Barisan Nasional.
Queueing up to vote in Negeri Sembilan on Saturday. One of the highest voter turnouts was in Chennah, where MCA achieved a “giant-killer” result.
PETALING JAYA: The electoral prospects of MCA and MIC remain closely tied to the strength of Umno and their cooperation in the Barisan Nasional, says an analyst after MCA won two seats in the Negeri Sembilan state election on Saturday.
Azmi Hassan of Akademi Nusantara said the victory of MCA’s Siow Kong Choon in Chennah over DAP secretary-general Loke Siew Fook showed how BN component parties can benefit when the coalition is strong.
He said MCA’s performance was commendable, with “giant-killer” results in Chennah and Repah, losing five of its seven contests.
“About 67% of voters in Chennah are Malays, and the constituency recorded one of the highest voter turnouts. That most probably helped MCA, because Malay voters went out in droves to support BN.
“It shows that if Umno and BN are strong, MCA and MIC stand to benefit from that strength,” he told FMT.
In Chennah, which Loke had held for three terms, Siow won by a 688-vote margin to regain the seat for MCA, while in Repah, Koh Kim Swee also regained the seat by defeating four-term assemblyman Veerapan Superamaniam of DAP by 444 votes.
Azmi said BN should retain its existing seat-sharing formula between Umno, MCA and MIC for the coming Melaka state election.
Syaza Shukri of International Islamic University Malaysia cautioned against interpreting MCA’s performance as a broader revival for the party. “Winning two out of seven doesn’t really scream an MCA revival,” she said. “At most, it says MCA is still capable of pulling votes in mixed seats.”
However, the Chennah victory was significant, as it showed that non-Malay voters could no longer be regarded as a guaranteed vote bank for PH, even in a seat Loke had held for three terms.
“Of course, MCA won because Malays voted in support of BN, but I think the message overall is that DAP should not feel too confident about non-Malay voters any more,” she said.
How MIC fared
MIC’s failure to win Seremban Jaya and Sri Tanjung was not unexpected, as both constituencies were widely regarded as DAP strongholds, Syaza said.
She said MCA outperformed MIC because it had a clearer campaign narrative centred on defeating DAP, while MIC’s theme was about convincing Indian voters that MIC is still relevant – “not very compelling when there are other multiracial parties that can do the same”.
She said MCA should now build on its electoral gains by focusing on policies and constituency work, rather than relying solely on anti-DAP sentiment, while MIC should reassess its support among Indian voters and field more winnable candidates.
Who really won in Negeri Sembilan?
The return of identity politics means that Malaysia is the biggest loser.
On paper, it is clear who the victors are in the Negeri Sembilan state election, but there is still a need to ask: Who really won, and who actually lost?
Let’s analyse Barisan Nasional’s performance. BN bagged only 18 seats, one short of the simple majority needed to form the state government. BN needed Perikatan Nasional’s seven seats, making the latter the kingmaker.
But it also means that BN is now beholden to another coalition that can dictate terms, with the tacit understanding that a dissatisfied PN could “break” the state government just as it helped form it.
As for the votes that BN won, how many can it really claim to be from its own supporters or fence-sitters? How many of the votes BN obtained were transferred from PN, particularly PAS?
The understanding that BN and PN hammered out meant there was, in reality, no blanket support for Umno and BN, which is why BN should not feel too pleased with its performance.
Chinese voters
Here’s another point to ponder. Did the non-Malay vote, particularly the Chinese vote, return to BN’s fold? Not really.
DAP still had the majority of Chinese voters in its pocket. If it had not, the party would have suffered another wipeout, as it did in Sabah.
Chinese voters may have been angered enough by PN election director Sanusi Nor’s “Tanah Melayu” remarks to come out and cast their ballots.
However, Sanusi’s remarks, along with PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang’s theme of Malay unity, could also have contributed to a strong Malay voter turnout.
PH’s standing
Now let us look at Pakatan Harapan. Did it really lose, considering the situation it was in?
Firstly, PH went into the election alone, with no partners. In the previous state election, it partnered with BN in an alliance inspired by the federal unity government.
PH and BN governed the state together until 14 Umno assemblymen decided to withdraw their support for Aminuddin Harun, then the menteri besar.
(PH was never in the driving seat and had to rely on help from its “enemies” — ironically, the situation BN is in, after Saturday.)
Although PH’s standing was reduced to 11 seats from the previous 17, the party did not actually lose Negeri Sembilan because the coalition never had a firm grip on the state to begin with.
Winners and losers
Next, we look at the non-Malay vote. I had expected non-Malay voters to give DAP a drubbing, but they did not. There was also an increase in voter turnout.
So, in the end, who were the real winners and losers? For me, PN, PAS and Wawasan were the clear winners. Hamzah Zainudin’s party won three of the four seats it contested in its maiden outing under the PN banner.
Wawasan’s win is a lesson that Rafizi Ramli’s Bersatu should heed. New parties need influential partners. No person or party is an island.
And the real losers? For me, it is Malaysians and Malaysia. We are, sadly, reverting to identity politics.
According to Pakatan Harapan election director Amirudin Shari, racial rhetoric was rife in the run-up to the polls.
Malay voters, it seems, were captivated by the idea of a Malay-Muslim political empire more than by the billions of ringgit in losses recorded by Tabung Haji, which, by the way, was managed by Malays.
The Malay electorate seemingly ignored the development that PH has ushered in or is working to deliver. Malays, it seems, are more comfortable with a 60-year-old mindset.
Make no mistake, this is the stark reality of Malaysian and Malay politics for the foreseeable future.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
DAP to table motion on position in govt at national convention
DAP secretary-general Loke Siew Fook says party delegates will have full independence in making their decision on Aug 16.
DAP secretary-general Loke Siew Fook said delegates will be given ballot papers to vote on the motion.
KUALA LUMPUR: DAP will table a motion to decide if the party will remain in the government until the end of the current Parliament’s term at its national convention on Aug 16.
DAP secretary-general Loke Siew Fook said the matter was decided at the party’s central executive committee (CEC) meeting yesterday.
“We leave it to the wisdom of the over 4,000 delegates that qualify to attend the national convention to decide whether DAP should remain in the government until the end of term or otherwise,” he said after chairing the CEC meeting at the DAP headquarters here.
The meeting was also attended by DAP chairman Gobind Singh Deo, DAP deputy secretary-general Hannah Yeoh and the party’s senior leadership.
When asked if the CEC made a stand on the motion, Loke said it had made no official determination.
“We did discuss the matter, but the CEC will not take any stand. What is important is the delegates’ decision.
“We don’t want to have any stand in guiding the delegates’ decision. Delegates have full independence in making their decision,” he said, adding that all delegates would be given ballot papers to vote on the motion.
He said even though the CEC members had various views, these were their personal opinions and did not represent the party’s official stand.
“We practise a system of internal democracy, so the decision on our position in the government isn’t determined by me or Gobind.
“Even though I’m the secretary-general and Gobind is the chairman, the decision of whether we remain in the government or not will be decided by the delegates as part of the party’s collective decision,” he said.
No comments:
Post a Comment