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No News Is Bad News
From here itself, you can already see that PKR and Amanah have no voter base. Both are only getting votes bcos they are in one coalition called PH with DAP. Otherwise, both parties' long-term lingkup is already. - Facebook
GE16 - PH’s political fate in the hands of NATO PMX Anwar
https://youtu.be/3ZONF7h6WKc (Umno fears ending ties with Harapan - Puad; Loke recounts ‘toughest’ fight)
https://vt.tiktok.com/ZS4yxpCFh/ (Cannot save anymore song in Cantonese)
KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 6, 2026: Pakatan Harapan (PH)’s political fate in the next general election (GE16) is in the hands of the NATO (No Action Talk Only) prime minister Anwar Ibrahim.
Only he can mend the political damage to PH by dumping his NATO ways and clampdown with institutional and socio-economic reforms.
And it must include stopping the racial and religious politicians and their parties from further eroding and threatening national unity and harmony.
From the above image, the statistics tell all - only DAP still has a voter base but not PKR and Amanah!
The DAP is realistically unable to help PKR and Amanah anymore - they both need to tackle the political and socio-economic woes of Malays.
Both the Taliban-like PAS and the racial and religious bigoted Umno-led Barisan Nasional (BN) pencuri-pencuri have focused all their election campaigns on attacking DAP with bigotry and lies and ignored PKAR and Amanah as mosquito parties.
It is Anwar and Amanah’s own doing for their current political woes for ignoring the political and socio-economic threats posed by the racial and religious bigots who spewed bigotry freely without any action, making a mockery of the 3R (Race, Religion, Royalty).
Even a Chinese-convert preacher like Ridhuan Tee can label Anwar and PKR Malay supporters as barua without fear or favour for the law. (In Malay, barua means a pimp, an intermediary for illicit or bad acts, or a derogatory insult similar to a "stooge" or "traitor".)
The bigots have thus been emboldened and are now biting Anwar, PKR and Amanah in politics.
No News Is Bad News reproduces below a slew of articles for our readers' reading pleasure on Malaysian politics that are now threatening multi-racial Malaysia:
COLUMNS
COMMENT | Harapan must return to reforms even if it's too late to fight BN-PN tide in GE16
Ong Kian Ming
Updated: Aug 4, 2026 9:54 AM
COMMENT | As I predicted, BN-Perikatan Nasional easily won the Negeri Sembilan state election by winning 25 out of 36 state seats (70 percent), with BN winning 18 (including two by MCA), and PN winning seven (PAS four, Parti Wawasan Negara three).
Pakatan Harapan won 11 seats (DAP nine, PKR two), with two of its political heavyweights, Transport Minister Anthony Loke and former menteri besar Aminuddin Harun, losing in Chennah and Linggi respectively.
Harapan’s vote share was 39.7 percent this year compared to 44.4 percent in the 2022 general election.
Malay vote consolidation
The major difference this time was that the Malay votes were not split between BN and PN, and the two coalitions combined to win more than 55 percent of the popular vote, which is sufficient to win a comfortable majority of seats in a first-past-the-post electoral system.
Bersatu’s vote share plummeted to 2.7 percent with only one out of its 24 candidates retaining his deposit (Jeram Padang).
Candidates must pay a deposit of RM10,000 for parliamentary and RM5,000 for state seats when contesting in elections. They will lose their deposit if they fail to win at least 12.5 percent of the vote.
My initial estimates of Malay and Chinese turnout for the state election were 78 percent and 62 percent respectively.
In a 57 percent Malay electorate state like Negeri Sembilan where an estimated 80 percent of Malay voters supported BN or PN, this translates into an electoral advantage of slightly more than seven percent for BN and PN candidates.
My initial estimate of Malay support for Harapan in this state election was less than 10 percent, at around eight percent.
Among the Chinese voters who turned out to vote, more than 90 percent supported Harapan, but this wasn’t enough to “save” Loke in Chennah, which was effectively a 40 percent Chinese seat versus 60 percent Malay and Orang Asli who voted overwhelmingly for the BN/MCA candidate.
This state election wasn’t just a case of votes being transferred from PN to BN and vice versa. In 30 of the 36 state seats, Harapan's share of the vote fell compared with the 2022 general election.
Out of the six state seats where Harapan experienced an increase in support, Chennah and Linggi (by 2.4 percent in both seats), but because most of the votes won by PN in 2022 were transferred to BN in 2026, this small increase in support was overwhelmed by the even larger increase in support, especially among the Malay voters, for BN and PN.
Lessons for Harapan
What lessons can Harapan take away from this defeat?
If there was one piece of advice that I would give to Harapan and especially Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, it would be this: please focus on delivering the political and institutional reforms which were the fundamental reasons for which you promised while in opposition, and move away from the short-term tactics which failed to deliver you the votes in Johor and Negeri Sembilan.
The electorate is too knowledgeable for you to try to win them over with short-term tactics such as making public the Tabung Haji royal commission of inquiry report three years after it was completed in the hope that it would sway some Malay voters, trying to make political capital out of the deportation of 5,000 Rohingya back to Myanmar, and apologising for the “temple issue” to the Indian community.
The institutional reforms that could be delivered before the 16th general election include:
(i) 10-year term limit to the tenure of the prime minister
(ii) Separation of the public prosecutor and attorney-general roles (both of these bills were not tabled in the recently concluded parliamentary session)
(iii) Introducing an equal constituency allocation bill so that opposition MPs would receive the same allocation as government MPs (This is important especially since Harapan is likely to find itself back in the opposition after GE16)
(iv) Go back to pushing for electoral reform including a fair delimitation of constituencies at the federal and state levels.
The reform test
The last reform is a good reminder to Anwar and Harapan leaders. In May 2024, Anwar had an opportunity to fill the vacancy of the Election Commission chairperson.
Many NGOs, including Bersih and Tindak Malaysia, asked for the list of names for this position to be vetted by the parliamentary special select committee on human rights, elections, and institutional reform, headed by PKR MP for Selayang, William Leong.
I suggested a few candidates who were seen to be independent and respected by the public, especially with regard to electoral reform.
In the end, Parliament was not consulted, and Anwar tabled a name, Ramlan Harun, who is a retired civil servant, following the same modus operandi used by BN in the past, to fill the position of the EC chairperson.
I have nothing against ex-civil servants, but they are the least likely to want to push for electoral reform independently.
Would the Johor and Negeri Sembilan state elections have been called at the same time if there was a more independent EC chairperson? This would be something that would continue to haunt Harapan.
It is noteworthy that coalition leaders, including Anwar himself, have done and said almost nothing in terms of electoral reform, including on the important delimitation of electoral boundaries which is supposed to start in 2026 and conclude in 2028.
Ironically, a fairer delimitation of constituencies is one of the few things which could help Harapan in future elections, but there is not enough time under this Madani administration.
Pushing for these reforms is the right thing for Harapan to do even if it ends up in the opposition post GE16. The long-suffering Harapan supporters deserve as much.
ONG KIAN MING is an adjunct professor at Taylor’s University and a former Bangi MP.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of Malaysiakini.
Malaysia
Amanah leaders call for total rejection of identity politics
Amanah cited examples of how Muslim leaders have become mayors in the most prosperous cities in the world, such as New York and London.
Updated 3 days ago · Published on 03 Aug 2026 9:11AM
Amanah also sought for PH to beef up the 3Ms (machinery, mission and media) - August 3, 2026
by Ian McIntyre
ISLAMIC-based political parties can be accepted by the non-Muslims in the country if they underline their struggle based on universal issues rather than the narrow mindset of identity politics, which drives the race and racial divide.
Parti Amanah Nasional vice-president Adly Zahari said Muslim politicians can be successful worldwide if they champion pressing issues and undertake the universal values of showcasing sincerity and transparency, besides competency in political narratives.
He cited examples of how Muslim leaders have become mayors in the most prosperous cities in the world, such as New York and London.
"They rose to prominence by championing issues, not by dividing the base simply on the notion of race and religion," said Adly.
And they won, although the majority of the electorate are non-Muslims.
He said that moderation and progressive politics championed by Islamist organisations and politicians worldwide hold the barometer for how Amanah needs to consolidate despite the wave of identity politics gripping the country.
And in Malaysia, the example is fighting the culture of corruption and cronyism.
"We take note that we were rejected in Johor and Negri Sembilan, but we must hold to our principles of moderation and not be baited by those wanting to split the country just by the token of race and religion," said Adly.
What is good cannot be washed away by the sentiments of politics with the decadence of using identity politics to win votes, said Adly.
Amanah also sought for PH to beef up the 3Ms (machinery, mission and media) if it wants to stop the spread of the blue and green waves.
Amanah secretary-general Muhammed Faiz Fadzil said PH needs to improve on the 3Ms if it is to survive the wave of identity politics.
Faiz, who is the son of former PAS president the late Datuk Fadzil Noor, said that PH needs to reorganise its machinery into one of efficiency so its campaign can be felt in all corners of the country.
He said PH also needs to regain its edge in the media and social media by employing experienced individuals to get the proper messaging across and to counter the rhetoric of identity politics, which is dominant now.
Faiz said that the Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM) had revealed that 90% of the youths in the country are on social media and use it for references. - August 3, 2026.
OPEN LETTER TO YAB DATO' SERI ANWAR IBRAHI
Prime Minister of Malaysia
From: Rafiki Rashid
YAB Dato' Seri,
I am writing this not as an enemy, nor as a fanatical supporter. I am writing this as a Malaysian who still believes that this country can change – but only if its leaders dare to take risks.
1. First Confession: PH Has Already Lost 2 Times in a Row
We cannot run away from the facts. The Sabah, Johor, and most recently N9 elections – all show the people's rejection of the narrative we are carrying.
Not because our economy is bad. Not because PMX has failed. But because:
· We have lost in narrative.
· We have lost in organization.
· We have lost in spirit.
And the saddest thing:
"We are stabbed by the enemy. And we are also stabbed by our own friends."
That is the bitter reality that YAB needs to accept.
1. Second Confession: UMNO is Not an Ally, It's a Parasite
YAB, I apologize for being blunt:
UMNO in the Unity Government is not to help PH. They are there to save themselves.
· They use PH for financial strength.
· They use PAS for Malay votes.
· And they use both to return to full power.
This is not a conspiracy. This is a proven political strategy in N9 and Johor.
So, YAB, stop being naive.
UMNO is not an ideological friend. UMNO is a hidden enemy.
1. Third Confession: "Playing Safe" No Longer Effective
YAB, for almost 4 years in power, YAB's approach has been to please all parties.
· Too many compromises.
· Too much tolerance.
· Too much "playing safe" with certain factions.
The result?
· The people do not feel the change.
· Young voters are not excited.
· Chinese voters are starting to move away.
· Malay voters continue to be influenced by racist narratives.
YAB, "playing it safe" has killed the spirit of PH reform.
1. What YAB Needs to Do NOW?
YAB, I am not asking YAB to dissolve Parliament. I am asking instead:
"Don't dissolve. Use the remaining time for total reform."
This is no longer the time for half-hearted reform. This is the time to "Drop the Bombs" – radical change in all areas:
💥 Institutional Reform
· Free the MACC, PDRM, and the judiciary from political control.
· Make all appointments based on merit, not cronies.
💥 Economic Reform
· Eliminate the subsidy on beatings. Replace with targeted assistance.
· Sell problematic GLCs. Don't keep them for "gah" alone.
· Open a radical market to attract foreign investment.
💥 GLC Reform
· Appoint professional CEOs, not politicians.
· Make annual dividends mandatory. If they fail, replace the CEO.
💥 Governance Reform
· Reduce unnecessary ministries.
· Mandatory open tender for all projects >RM50 million.
💥 Civil Service Reform
· Strict performance appraisal system.
· Auto-retirement for 3 consecutive years of poor performance.
💥 Political Reform
· Stricter Anti-Party Jumping Act.
· Transparent political funding – all donations declared.
1. YAB, This Might Be YAB's Last Term
I don't want to sound pessimistic, but politics is reality.
If PH loses again in the next GE, YAB might not be the Prime Minister anymore.
So, what does YAB want to leave behind?
· Just a "stable Prime Minister"?
· Or "a Prime Minister who changes the country"?
"History rarely remembers leaders who played safe. It remembers those who had the courage to change the course of a nation."
YAB, choose now.
1. Last Message: Don't Be Afraid to Become a "Villain"
YAB, I know that total reform will create new enemies.
· Groups that will lose.
· Tribes that will be threatened.
· Clans that will oppose.
But YAB, that is the price that must be paid.
”Either you die a hero, or you live long enough to become the villain."
If YAB continues to play it safe, YAB may live a long time as a forgotten Prime Minister.
If YAB dares to make changes, YAB may fall politically – but YAB will be remembered as a hero of reform.
AI content
THE HANDCUFFS FOR THE SARDINE, THE HANDSHAKES FOR THE SHARK: A MALAYSIAN OPERA OF SELECTIVE OUTRAGE
WHEN JUSTICE WEARS TWO DIFFERENT PAIRS OF SHOES
Every nation tells itself fairy tales before bedtime. Some tell stories about dragons, others about freedom. Malaysia occasionally tells itself a bedtime story where justice is blind, equal, and fearless. Then morning arrives, newspapers land on the doorstep, timelines explode with hashtags, and suddenly Lady Justice seems to have misplaced not only her blindfold but also her spectacles, hearing aid, and perhaps her GPS.
The irony is as thick as teh tarik foam. A hungry fellow caught stealing a few tins of sardines can become the star attraction of the evening news, complete with handcuffs, mugshots, and solemn lectures about morality. Yet when allegations involving eye-watering sums surface in the public imagination, the atmosphere often changes from police procedural to corporate networking event, where handshakes become warmer than fresh apam balik and smiles grow broader than election banners.
The little fish is grilled over charcoal. The whale receives mineral water and a conference room.
THE ECONOMICS OF DIFFERENT-SIZED SINS
Some crimes in public discourse seem to obey strange mathematics. Steal RM30 worth of groceries because your children are hungry, and society may immediately discover its deepest commitment to law and order. Allegedly lose billions through spectacular failures, scandals, or questionable dealings, and suddenly everyone becomes an amateur constitutional lawyer explaining why “the process must be respected” and “we must wait for all the facts.”
The irony resembles a mosquito being hunted with a missile while an elephant quietly strolls through the living room wearing sunglasses.
Malaysia has witnessed countless episodes where public debate becomes less about evidence and more about political jerseys. The same act can be labelled unforgivable corruption or unfortunate misunderstanding depending on which logo appears on the campaign flag. Principles, like umbrellas during the monsoon, sometimes seem to fold and unfold according to political weather rather than rainfall.
PERCEPTION: THE CHEAPEST CURRENCY IN POLITICS
Modern politics no longer sells facts. It sells feelings.
Fear travels faster than truth because fear needs only a rumour, while truth insists on receipts. Hope requires patience. Panic merely requires Wi-Fi.
A whispered allegation repeated a thousand times begins to wear the clothes of certainty. Social media transforms every uncle into a constitutional expert, every anonymous account into an anti-corruption crusader, and every forwarded message into what someone confidently calls “inside information.”
By sunset, the accusation has become folklore. By tomorrow morning, folklore has become “common knowledge.”
Reality, meanwhile, is still stuck in traffic somewhere on the North-South Expressway.
THEATRE, NOT TRIAL
Politics often resembles a travelling theatre troupe.
The spotlight rarely shines on evidence first; it shines on emotion. The loudest actor gets the longest applause. The quiet accountant carrying twenty boxes of documents is usually less entertaining than the politician waving one dramatic sentence before a hundred cameras.
In this performance, image frequently outweighs substance. A carefully rehearsed apology may receive more admiration than years of honest administration. A viral slogan can erase volumes of audited reports. A photograph shaking hands with the “right” people may become more valuable than decades of consistent public service.
The script changes every election, but the audience somehow recognises every scene.
THE MEMORY OF A GOLDFISH WITH A SMARTPHONE
Malaysian political memory can be wonderfully selective.
Yesterday’s villain becomes today’s coalition partner. Yesterday’s national saviour becomes today’s national disappointment. Yesterday’s impossible alliance suddenly becomes a historic necessity. The political compass spins like a ceiling fan during a blackout—everyone is certain about the direction until someone switches on the lights.
It is less chess than musical chairs, except the music never really stops. Only the chairs change colour.
THE COST OF SHRUGGING
The greatest danger is not merely corruption, incompetence, or hypocrisy.
The greater danger is when citizens begin to shrug and say, “That’s just how things are.”
Cynicism is remarkably comfortable. It asks nothing except surrender. Once people stop expecting accountability, mediocrity graduates with first-class honours.
A democracy does not usually collapse with fireworks. More often, it yawns itself into complacency.
THE LAST LAUGH BELONGS TO THE VOTER
The poster’s satire is not ultimately about handcuffs or hand-kisses. It is about the uncomfortable possibility that a society sometimes measures crime not by its consequences, but by the social status of the person accused. The sardine thief and the billionaire suspect become characters in the same play, except one performs in a lock-up while the other occasionally enjoys a better seat in the auditorium.
That is why healthy democracies depend less on louder politicians than on more demanding citizens. Institutions matter, due process matters, and accountability matters precisely because outrage should never depend on the size of a wallet, the colour of a party flag, or the VIP entrance one happens to use.
After all, justice should not resemble a revolving restaurant that offers different menus to different floors. If the law is truly the great equaliser, then its handshake should feel exactly like its handcuff—firm, impartial, and utterly indifferent to fame, fortune, or political convenience. Otherwise, the country risks becoming a place where the smallest thieves fear the prison gate, while the biggest sharks merely worry about which tailor should press tomorrow’s suit.
The Betrayal That Brought Back UMNO
03MondayAug 2026
Posted by Dennis Ignatius in GE16, Politics
[1] It’s three strikes now – Sabah, Johor, Negeri Sembilan. The UMNO-PAS coalition is on a roll. If this trajectory continues, UMNO-PAS will form the next government, and Zahid will most likely become the next prime minister. By any measure that would be a remarkable comeback – from the ashes of defeat to the pinnacle of power.
[2] Don’t be surprised if Hadi Awang becomes deputy prime minister. That would put PAS one step closer to its long-cherished goal of ruling Malaysia and, ultimately, transforming it into an Islamic state. It doesn’t augur well that a party with a history of corruption, racism, and abuse of power alongside a party with a history of bigotry and extremism could now sit in Putrajaya.
[3] Malaysia is at this inflection point because of the perfidy of the PH leadership, and Anwar in particular. He had every opportunity to usher in the reforms he promised; instead he pawned them for ambition and power. He struck a Faustian bargain with UMNO that stripped his government of the political will to fight corruption. His promise of a more inclusive government turned out to be nothing more than a chimera.
[4] Zahid could well be sitting in prison today if Anwar’s government had not handed him that infamous DNAA – this despite the judge having declared a prima facie case to answer. Anwar then brought UMNO back into the heart of his government and handed them the key positions from which to rebuild their influence. Whether by design or by default, he has ended up doing more than anyone to restore UMNO to power. That may be the bitter legacy he leaves behind.
[5] He missed every other opportunity to clean up the system for good. He could have extended the tenure of Tengku Maimun, one of the most respected jurists in the land; he did not. He could have removed the controversial Azam Baki and installed a credible figure to lead the fight against corruption; he did not. He could have purged GLCs and statutory bodies of political appointees; he did not. He could have pushed through term limits for the PM and separated the powers of the AG; he did not. He could have further discredited UMNO by releasing the Tabung Haji RCI report years ago and charging all those involved in wrongdoing; he did not. He could have repealed draconian legislation; he did not. He could have moved towards a needs-based system; he did not. Instead, he pursued a political agenda that betrayed everything he had promised.
[6] The warning signs of rising discontent were there from the early days of his administration, but the PH leadership and its apologists ignored them. They said reform takes time. They argued he was constrained by coalition politics. They offered excuses instead of solutions – and branded anyone who criticised them “haprak.” Even after the trashing they received in Sabah and Johor, they were insisting that the situation in Negeri Sembilan would be different.
[7] The DAP, for its part, was dazzled by power. They convinced themselves they could forge a decades-long partnership with UMNO, ignoring every sign of UMNO’s deep-seated distrust of them. They gave up everything just to stay in UMNO’s good books. Zahid’s call to “bungkus” Loke must have come as a rude shock. They have found their voice again, but it’s too little, too late.
[8] Alarm is setting in. PH leaders and their apologists are now in full panic mode – desperately warning that UMNO might return, that PAS could end up in power, that Najib might walk free, and blaming Bersama and Muda for splitting the vote.
[9] Only something drastic can alter the current political dynamic – Anwar stepping down and making way for a Rafizi–Nik Nazmi ticket, for instance. He should take responsibility for PH’s string of defeats and go; so should Loke. That would inject new momentum into reformist forces and give voters a real alternative to UMNO-PAS, which is only doing well because PH has failed. But with egos this large, it’s unlikely to happen.
[10] Whether or not Anwar goes, the ground has already shifted. Malay voters have rejected his leadership and remain suspicious of DAP – nothing will change that for now. That leaves the Rafizi–Nik Nazmi ticket as the only credible alternative standing, untainted by Anwar’s compromises and free of DAP’s baggage.
[11] The most important thing now is to ensure a strong opposition post-GE16 and deny UMNO-PAS a two-thirds majority. With PKR discredited, reform-minded voters might have little choice but to turn to Bersama – the vehicle for the Rafizi–Nik Nazmi ticket – to keep the hope of reformasi alive in the coming UMNO-PAS era.
[Dennis Ignatius |Kuala Lumpur | 03 August 2026]
COLUMNS
COMMENT | Nine hard truths: Madani's Negeri Sembilan defeat
Bridget Welsh
Published: Aug 3, 2026 11:17 AM
Updated: 11:25 AM
COMMENT | As with any election, analyses pour in. Inevitably, they range from the “gloating” to the “gloom and doom” with a mix of denial.
Below, I lay out nine observations from the election:
Campaign
1. Advantage of coherent strategy: Pakatan Harapan lacked a coherent, coordinated electoral campaign strategy. As such, the campaign became overshadowed by reactive responses, prone to gaffes.
From Sabah to Negeri Sembilan, there has been a lack of connectivity to the ground, even, at times, insensitivity.
Erosion of support from three elections has compounded for Harapan, impacting messaging and machinery.
This stands in stark contrast to Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) in Sabah and BN-led campaigns in Johor and Negeri Sembilan that have been better executed.
2. Lost hope - For over three and a half years, there have been consistent messages calling for Harapan leadership to address the issues that got them elected - political reform, multi-inclusion and cleaner government.
Political reform has been repeatedly promised, including in the last parliament session. Even the two-term limit for a prime minister has failed to pass.
It has always been a matter of political will. Now it is a matter of whether the government can garner the numbers to pass legislation, especially bills needing a two-thirds majority.
Sadly, ethnic relations in the country are worsening, and this is not the product of one political side or community, but multiple.
Harapan’s control of the government has fuelled ethnic insecurities among the Malay community while simultaneously being resistant to addressing those of the other communities. The effect is higher insecurities across communities.
Corruption remains a serious problem, with open questions being asked about political ties to questionable figures.
Collectively, these factors have undercut the enthusiasm for Harapan. There is a palpable loss of hope even among core supporters; without “harapan” (hope), there is no support for Harapan.
3. BN victory - BN carried Perikatan Nasional in Negeri Sembilan: The picture presented is that the cooperation arrangement of BN-PN is one in which the former depended on the latter. This may be true in the Malay northern heartland. This is far from the reality in Negeri Sembilan or Johor for that matter.
BN could have won the government on their own, securing a victory without PAS and Parti Wawasan Negara, the former of whose racial vitriol almost cost the BN-PN coalition critical support in competitive seats during the campaign (which was neutralised by the backfire of mistakes by Harapan in the last days of the campaign), and the latter of which came for the ride and contributed little.
Minimally, seats such as Gemas, Klawang, Ampangan, Bagan Pinang and more would have been won by BN without PN support, which has reduced since 2023 in multi-ethnic states.
The majority of Negeri Sembilan voters supported PN because of its tie to BN in the state, contributing to victories in Sikamat, Klawang and Ampangan, for example.
Results
4. Not just racial politics - There is a need to look beyond simplistic analysis that ties everything in Malaysia to racial politics.
Ethnic voting may account for the prominent reason for the results, but it is far from the only factor.
Generational issues were at work: Younger voters want something different than “kekal” (retain). They went blue - and by extension green - opting for the future, not the past.
Economic considerations mattered. Many domestic business people are unhappy with how the economy is being managed, especially small businesses.
At a local level, it is often harder to do business in Malaysia than before, with slower decision-making and continued obstacles.
Margins are thin, tied to higher cost-of-living. High investment numbers are not impacting ordinary struggles.
Populist measures are a band-aid on structural problems of poverty and vulnerability, lack of living wages and exclusion, particularly for those without connections.
Without policies to address the causes of limited social mobility, insecurities remain easily tapped during elections.
5. Chennah’s loss is overstated - Anthony Loke took one for the team. The descriptions that Loke’s Chennah result was a major defeat, a seat lost by less than 500 votes, belie reality. It was a close race, where swings across communities shaped the outcome.
Chennah has always been a challenging seat, one in which he could have opted to leave and instead stayed to fight.
While there were grievances that were personally directed toward him - by lorry drivers, over mismanagement of poor commuter train service in Negeri Sembilan and anti-DAP rhetoric - the close margin speaks to a close fight.
The party he led in the state won nine out of 11 seats - a good outcome when partners struggled to hold onto seats.
DAP will have to make a hard decision about staying in a coalition where they are carrying the other partners and, in doing so, losing their base.
6. Bersatu bombed - Bersatu continued its disastrous electoral performance. The party only secured 2.5 percent of the popular vote and lost its deposit in 21 of the 22 seats it contested (Jeram Padang being the exception).
While the party is likely to continue to fight on in Malacca, the party’s survival depends on new leadership. Holding on too long to power has costs.
Ironically, Bersatu’s effective (although not formal) departure from PN facilitated the cooperation between PN and BN, and also led to its own marginalisation.
Looking ahead
7. Indian representation - The Indian swing from Harapan provided BN-PN with a two-thirds victory but did not yield a single Indian representative into government.
The need to address the concerns of this community is pressing, and expectations are high given disappointments. The reality is that this community has swung in the past and will do so again.
8. BN-PN federal government is not guaranteed in a general election. A general election cannot be equated with a state election.
History showed in 2022 that the political terrain from Johor state polls that secured a BN supermajority to the general election shifted within months.
A day is a long time in politics. Swings are the norm in Malaysian politics, especially since 2018. Youth voting power assures that uncertainty and fluidity are electorally ever-present.
History has also shown that a BN and PAS alliance is not an easy one, despite smiles and platitudes. Malay unity - like that of all communities - is an ideal paralleled by a reality of competition, rivalries and distrust. Malay unity similarly is overstated.
9. Anwar Ibrahim’s time for legacy building. Negeri Sembilan polls provide yet another opportunity for a crossroads for the prime minister, reaching 80 years next year.
The decision is what to fight for - staying in power or changing course and leaving greater empowerment.
With at most a year left in office (likely less), Anwar has the opportunity to put in place a legacy of political reforms and institution building, in areas such as electoral redelineation and more. Anything is a step forward.
He can build on the strong macroeconomic performance of the administration as well as the strengthening of a social welfare system.
Importantly, he can tap into his strengths of bridge-building.
Unless he does so, the lame duck refrain will grow, and effective governance will erode.
Legacy building is the most viable path ahead for strengthening his coalition. An unwillingness to do so could result in losing elections overshadowing his tenure - a disservice for his service.
The nine truths, taken together
None of these nine truths stands alone, and that is precisely what makes this election instructive.
Negeri Sembilan was not lost to any single gaffe, seat, or community; it was lost to the accumulation of unaddressed grievances that a two-thirds federal majority made easy to ignore, where compromises for staying in power overshadowed the promises made to voters.
Every hard truth listed here is the product of choices, not fate.
Negeri Sembilan will not be remembered for its results. It will be remembered for whether lessons are learned from it.
BRIDGET WELSH is an honorary research associate of the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute and a senior associate fellow at The Habibie Centre. Her writings can be found at bridgetwelsh.com.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of Malaysiakini.
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