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National unity, harmony still missing in Malaysia: Malaysians hope for incoming King to deal with racial, religious bigots
KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 21, 2023: National unity and harmony are still missing in Malaysia after 66 years of Merdeka (Independence) 1957.
And it is all no thanks to the racial and religious bigots led by the Taliban-like PAS and Perikatan Nasional-Bersatu led by the racist Muhyiddin “I Am Malay First” Yassin for deepening rift relations amongst Malaysians.
Malaysians, however, are looking to the incoming 17th Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King), Johor’s Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar, for hope next month to strengthen national unity and harmony by seriously dealing with the bigots.
The outspoken Sultan Ibrahim is also set to help Malaysia consolidate economic ties with Singapore and China with his excellent bilateral ties with both economic powers.
No News Is Bad News reproduces below a selected number of analysis that provide an insight into what to expect from the reign of Sultan Ibrahim:
Analysis: Johor Sultan’s outspoken nature, ties with Singapore and China set to figure in his rule as Malaysia’s king
Political observers note how Malaysia’s next king has a reputation of speaking his mind on issues and policies and will not shy away from criticising the government.
Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar of Johor with the Malaysian prime minister Anwar Ibrahim. (Photo: Facebook/Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar)
Amir Yusof
27 Oct 2023 06:00PM(Updated: 27 Oct 2023 06:26PM)
KUALA LUMPUR: Johor ruler Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar’s forthright ways in voicing his opinions publicly on issues and policies could shine a spotlight on the dynamics between the national palace and the federal government when he becomes king, according to analysts CNA spoke to.
Political observers told CNA that one of the key attributes of Sultan Ibrahim, whom the national palace announced on Friday (Oct 27) as Malaysia’s new king from Jan 31 next year, is his willingness to express his thoughts on issues close to the heart of Malaysians.
They cited how he recently criticised the standards of low-cost housing in Johor, comparing them to chicken coops.
Sultan Ibrahim has also spoken out about slow COVID-19 vaccination rates in Johor, strict requirements for foreigners to purchase homes under the Malaysia My Second Home (MM2H) programme as well as warned lawmakers against making political manoeuvres that trigger political instability.
Analyst Azmi Hassan of the Nusantara Academy for Strategic Research told CNA that it will be “fascinating” to watch how Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and his government respond to similar criticisms should they arise, after Sultan Ibrahim ascends the throne next year.
Dr Azmi also cited how recently during a media interview, Sultan Ibrahim had lauded Mr Anwar’s anti-graft reforms and spoken positively of his relationship with the Pakatan Harapan coalition chief.
Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar giving Prime Minster Anwar Ibrahim a lift to Senai airport after their meeting in Johor Bahru. (Photo: Facebook/Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar)
The sultan was quoted as saying in a report by The Star: “We have worked very well together. I would say it’s better than any other previous prime ministers.”
Dr Azmi said this was an indication that Sultan Ibrahim has confidence in Mr Anwar’s leadership in the federal government.
“I think this is a prime minister that Tuanku (Sultan Ibrahim) wants to work with,” said Dr Azmi.
“I think it will be a very interesting relationship and I think it will be good for the country because we have a king that really speaks out his mind but at the same time is willing to work alongside this prime minister,” said Dr Azmi.
He elaborated that having a king who is willing to speak on behalf of the people, and a leader like Mr Anwar who has shown that “he is keen to listen” are signs of “a strong partnership”.
Political analyst Awang Azman Awang Pawi of Universiti Malaya echoed similar sentiments, and said that it will be “intriguing” to see how the federal government reacts when it receives feedback on certain matters by Sultan Ibrahim after he is installed as YDPA.
He cited how for instance Sultan Ibrahim’s comments on low-cost housing in Johor as well as on MM2H recently has prompted the federal government to take action.
In response to Sultan Ibrahim, Local Government Development Minister Nga Kor Ming had pledged that his ministry was determined to address the living conditions of the houses and pledged to resolve the waste disposal issue in two days.
In his recent Budget speech, Mr Anwar also announced that the government is willing to loosen restrictions for MM2H so that more foreigners can purchase homes in Malaysia, potentially increasing investment into the country
“This is a sign that the Anwar government takes Tuanku's feedback very seriously,” said Assoc Prof Awang Azman.
“His Majesty has interest in these matters and when he becomes king, it is likely that his influence will be amplified further and he will speak out on issues impacting not just Johor but across the country," he added.
KING TO STAY NEUTRAL AND ABOVE POLITICS
Sultan Ibrahim was elected during the Conference of the Rulers on Friday, in which all nine sultans in the country voted on who will be the next head of state, also known as Yang di-Pertuan Agong (YDPA).
The decision follows the established order of Malaysia’s unique rotational monarch system in which the nine rulers take turns to be the YDPA for five-year cycles.
Malaysia’s Constitution also states that the YDPA must remain neutral and above politics. The monarch’s role in Malaysia is also more symbolic and ceremonial, and on key political decisions he acts on the advice of the prime minister.
Seven of the nine sultans in Malaysia pose for photographs during the Conference of the Rulers on Oct 27, 2023. (Photo: Facebook/Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar)
Constitutional lawyer Lim Wei Jiet told CNA that while the YDPA ought to maintain cordial relationship with the government of the day for the administration to run smoothly, he stressed that Sultan Ibrahim must remain neutral and above politics, as is his role as a monarch based on Malaysia’s Constitution.
However, as seen during the reign of the current king Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri'ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah, the YDPA may be called upon to intervene during a period of political instability.
During his term, Sultan Abdullah has worked alongside four different prime ministers and appointed three of them to resolve political stalemates.
In his final parliamentary address in February, Sultan Abdullah outlined that he has been recorded in the country’s history to be the only ruler to have reigned over “four different prime ministers and four different Cabinets”, adding that four years of political turmoil could have been avoided if politicians could set aside differences.
Sultan Ibrahim, in his capacity as ruler of Johor, has also expressed his opinions on political instability at the federal level.
In April, amid reports of attempts by the Perikatan Nasional opposition coalition to remove Mr Anwar from his position by wooing Barisan Nasional MPs who did not support him, Sultan Ibrahim released a statement saying that these attempts were “not healthy for the entire nation, whether socially, economically or even our standing internationally.”
“Enough is enough. How much longer must the 30 over million people of our country endure this situation? The economy must recover and Malaysia’s prosperity must be prioritised,” he said.
Assoc Prof Awang Azman said that when installed as king, Sultan Ibrahim is likely to continue speaking out against attempts to disrupt political stability.
“When he becomes king, we can expect the Sultan of Johor to continue the message from the current king Sultan Abdullah, and call out any hanky panky attempts by politicians to create political strife,” he said.
Malaysia's king Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri'ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah (right) alongside the Sultan of Johor Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar. (Photo: Facebook/Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar)
Political analyst James Chin of the University of Tasmania told CNA that Sultan Ibrahim expresses such views as he is reflecting the concerns of the people.
He added that political stability is ultimately dependent on the performance of Mr Anwar’s government, and that the king must be impartial on the matter.
“If Anwar can serve the full five-year term as prime minister, then we don't need the King's discretion to select another prime minister.”
“I think most Malaysians are hoping that Anwar will stay for the full five years and that the king's role is basically ceremonial,” he added.
Five things to note about Sultan Ibrahim of Johor
1. Sultan Ibrahim is of Malay-British descent: Sultan Ibrahim’s father was Sultan Iskandar Sultan Ismail, who served as Malaysia’s king between 1984 and 1989, and his mother was Brit woman Josephine Ruby Trevorrow. His parents had four children and divorced in 1962. Malaysia's current queen Tunku Azizah Aminah Maimunah Iskandariah is Sultan Ibrahim’s sister.
2. Sultan Ibrahim has six children: The Johor ruler and his wife, Queen Raja Zarith Sofia, have six children - five boys and a girl. Their fourth eldest child Tunku Abdul Jalil died in 2015 after a battle with liver cancer. Their eldest son Tunku Ismail Idris is the crown prince of Johor. Their only daughter is Tunku Aminah Maimunah Iskandariah. Their three other sons are Tunku Idris Iskandar, Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tunku Abu Bakar.
3. He is military trained: According to a Bernama report, Sultan Ibrahim followed his father’s footsteps and received military training. He underwent airborne and ranger training for infantry officers including with the American Special Forces and Pathfinder where he performed 19 parachute jumps, of which eight were done at night. He also underwent helicopter pilot training with the air force and served a three-month stint with the navy.
4. Sultan Ibrahim has various investment ventures: Local media reported that Sultan Ibrahim has a variety of investment and business ventures in Johor. This includes property developments such as the Country Garden projects in Danga Bay and Forest City, an oil and gas hub the Maharani Energy Gateway project off the coast of Muar as well as a stake with telecommunication firm REDtone.
5. Passionate about cooking and cars: Sultan Ibrahim recently showcased his culinary skills when he posted a video on Facebook of himself preparing two dishes - Japanese curry and briyani lobster. He also has an extensive automobile collection and has been reported driving a Rolls-Royce Cullinan, Hyundai IONIQ and a first-generation Proton Saga.
BOOSTING TIES WITH SINGAPORE, CHINA?
Analysts CNA spoke to added that Sultan Ibrahim’s friendly ties with the leaders of Singapore, with whom Johor shares borders, as well as world economic superpower China, could strengthen Malaysia’s relations with these countries.
Although the king must not intervene in diplomatic deals and negotiations directly, they said that Sultan Ibrahim could, through the use of soft power and personal relationships with these leaders, foster goodwill and open doors for warmer international ties.
Sultan Ibrahim has spoken about the special relationship shared between Johor and Singapore on multiple occasions, and these sentiments have been reciprocated by leaders from across the Causeway.
Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and his wife Ho Ching hosts Johor's Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar and Queen Raja Zarith Sofiah at The Istana in Singapore. (Photo: Facebook/Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar)
Earlier this month, Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and his wife Ho Ching hosted Sultan Ibrahim and Queen Raja Zarith Sofiah for dinner at the Istana.
Mr Lee later said that the relationship between Singapore and Johor has grown under Sultan Ibrahim Iskandar’s “wise leadership”.
In a Facebook post after the dinner, Sultan Ibrahim said that both Singapore and Johor can work together to “produce win-win outcomes with tangible benefits for their people and businesses”.
On China, Sultan Ibrahim said in August during an interview with local daily Sin Chew that it was crucial for Malaysia to maintain friendly relations with the Asian superpower, describing it as a “good and reliable” investment partner.
Dr Azmi said that the Malaysian government can leverage Sultan Ibrahim’s “cordial relationship” with these countries to help strengthen diplomatic relations.
“I have confidence that with Sultan Ibrahim as king, the bilateral relationship between Malaysia and Singapore and Malaysia and China will be better in time to come,” he added.
Assoc Prof Awang Azman said that Sultan Ibrahim’s special relationship with the likes of Singapore and China “will strengthen diplomatic ties” between these countries and Malaysia when he ascends the throne.
He also noted that the Johor ruler has investment partners with firms from China and Singapore.
“He is on friendly terms with key leaders (in Singapore and China), and he may use soft power to build rapport with his foreign counterparts. This can potentially ease the work of the federal government,” added Prof Awang Azman.
Political analyst James Chin, who is a Professor of Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania, said it is possible that Sultan Ibrahim will get an official invite from Singapore and China to visit these countries and meet their leaders soon after he is crowned.
Prof Chin noted that Sultan Ibrahim will fully understand that the role of the constitutional monarch is not to intervene in political relations as well as official foreign affairs matters.
“I think he knows that he's no longer just the Sultan of Johor, he's not speaking just on behalf of Johor. He's representing (the country) and his eight other brother Sultans so this is always a different ballgame,” he added.
Snap Insight: How will the Johor sultan serve Malaysia as its next king?
The current king has steered Malaysia through political instability. The next king, Sultan Ibrahim of Johor, can be a beacon of stability the country needs, says James Chin, Asian Studies professor at the University of Tasmania.
Johor ruler Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar will be installed as Malaysia’s king from Jan 31, 2024. (Photo: Facebook/Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar)
James Chin
27 Oct 2023 05:47PM(Updated: 28 Nov 2023 02:05PM)
HOBART: On Friday (Oct 27) morning, it was announced that Johor ruler, Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar, will be installed as Malaysia’s king from Jan 31, 2024.
The Agong, as the king is called in Malaysia, is chosen based on the country’s unique rotational system, with a fixed order of the nine hereditary sultans taking turns to become head of state for five years.
WHAT SORT OF AGONG WILL SULTAN IBRAHIM BE?
The question everyone is asking in Kuala Lumpur now is: What sort of Agong will Sultan Ibrahim be?
The short answer is that he will not be very different from how he has been as Sultan of Johor, though he will now have to keep in mind that he represents his brother rulers as well. He is no longer speaking for the state of Johor but the whole nation.
Sultan Nazrin Muizzuddin Shah of Perak, Sultan Muhriz Munawir of Negeri Sembilan, Sultan Mizan Zainal Abidin of Terengganu, Malaysia's King Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah, Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah of Selangor, Sultan Ibrahim Iskandar…see more
Sultan Ibrahim Iskandar of Johor wipes his tears next to his sister Malaysia's Queen Tunku Azizah Aminah Maimunah Iskandariah after the election for the next Malaysian king at the National Palace in Kuala Lumpur on Oct 27, 2023. (Photo:…see more
Malaysia's King Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah (2nd left) and Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar of Johor (2nd right) walk together after the election for the next Malaysian king (Photo: Pool/AFP/Mohd Rasfan)
Sultan Nazrin Muizzuddin Shah of Perak, Sultan Muhriz Munawir of Negeri Sembilan, Sultan Mizan Zainal Abidin of Terengganu, Malaysia's King Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah, Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah of Selangor, Sultan Ibrahim Iskandar…see more
What we do know is that Sultan Ibrahim strongly believes in multiculturalism. He has made it clear many times in Johor, that he treats all his subjects as Bangsa Johor - an inclusive Johorean identity - and that he does not like the racial polarisation of Malaysian politics.
In one famous incident in 2017, he reprimanded a Johor laundry operator for a signboard limiting its services to only Muslims, warning business owners with blatant discriminatory practices that their licences may be revoked. “Don’t mess around with your narrow-minded religious prejudices,” he said at the time.
The new Queen, Raja Zarith Sofiah Sultan Idris Shah, is someone who shares her husband’s belief in Bangsa Johor and multicultural Malaysia. Many may not know that she graduated from Oxford University with a major in Chinese Studies.
SAGE ADVICE AND WISE COUNSEL
Although Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy, the sultans are powerful in their own right. As Johor ruler, Sultan Ibrahim is already part of the constitutional body called the Conference of Rulers which is the final arbiter of anything to do with Islam and Malay adat (customs and traditions), including federal laws.
A new role he will take on is to provide the prime minister with advice and counsel. As a tradition inherited from the British, the prime minister regularly meets with the Agong when Cabinet is in session to brief him on all government policies.
The Agong will provide his views on government policy - widely seen to be a non-partisan and non-political view - which will be taken into account by the prime minister. Retired British prime ministers have said that the advice given by the late Queen Elizabeth II was very important in how they made their decisions. There is no reason to think it will be different in Malaysia’s case.
HOPES FOR MALAYSIA’S POLITICAL STABILITY
In recent years, the monarchy has played an important role when the politicians are unable to get their act together.
When the first Pakatan Harapan government fell apart in 2020, it was the current Agong, Sultan Abdullah of Pahang, who selected Muhyiddin Yassin to be prime minister. A year later, when Muhyiddin lost his majority, it was the Agong again who selected Ismail Sabri Yaakob as his successor.
After the inconclusive general election results in November 2022, again it was left to the Agong to assess which of the coalition leaders, Muhyiddin Yassin or Anwar Ibrahim, could command the majority in parliament.
It’s unsurprising if Malaysians see the monarchy as the salve when the political class is cracked. The Agong is the one who will fix their mess, unwavering.
With hopes that the political tumult will end with current Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim at the helm, who similarly holds a vision of multicultural Malaysia, Sultan Ibrahim can be the beacon of stability the country needs.
James Chin is Professor of Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania and Senior Fellow at the Jeffrey Cheah Institute on Southeast Asia.
Source: CNA/ct
Commentary: Malaysia at 60 - one country, three visions
Islamist rule, the secular status quo or a state within a state - the future of Malaysia looks shaky, says a Malaysia politics observer.
People wave Malaysian national flags during the National Day parade in Putrajaya, Malaysia, on Aug 31, 2023. (AP Photo/Vincent Thian)
James Chin
15 Sep 2023 06:02AM
HOBART, Australia: On Sep 16, the Federation of Malaysia - a country widely regarded as a Southeast Asia success story - will celebrate its 60th anniversary.
While neighbours such as Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines have suffered military coups and a heavy toll from civil strife, Malaysia has only experienced one episode: The May 13, 1969 ethnic riots.
Back then, after order was restored, the political structure was revamped into a system based on Ketuanan Melayu (Malay Supremacy). This led to a long period of stability under the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, especially the years under thestrongman Mahathir Mohamad, who ruled from 1981 to 2003.
The system fell apart in 2018 when Mahathir, having come back from retirement, led the opposition to overthrow the BN. Remarkably, aged 93, he returned as prime minister from 2018 to 2020.
In November last year, after an inconclusive election, Anwar Ibrahim, long seen as a “Muslim democrat” by the West, was asked by the King to form a coalition government. The present two-coalition arrangements in Malaysia consist ofAnwar’s unity government (Pakatan Harapan, BN and Borneo parties) and the opposition Perikatan Nasional (Bersatu, Parti Islam Se-Malaysia and Gerakan).
THE GREEN WAVE
The biggest takeaway from the November 2022 election was “the green wave”, or the rise of political Islam and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS). PAS is now the largest party in the Malaysian parliament with 49 seats. The second-largest party in parliament is the Democratic Action Party (DAP), a Chinese-based party representing the non-Malays, with 40 seats.
While many politicians argued that the green wave was either not real or a one-off phenomenon, it may indeed reflect a significant shift in Malay politics. More and more Malays, especially in the younger demographic, are backing arguments that Malaysia’s future lies in PAS’ vision for the establishment of a Malay-Islamic state.
This was confirmed in the recent Aug 12 state elections, held across six states on the Malay Peninsula. The results indicate that PAS not only retained the Malay votes captured in November 2022 but increased their overall support by about 5 to 7 per cent among the Malay voters.
In a remarkable display of PAS power, all the seats in the Terengganu state assembly were won by PAS, while in the neighbouring Kelantan state, PAS won all but two state assembly constituencies. Terengganu and Kelantan are seen as Malay heartland states.
The next general election is due in 2028 but likely to be held earlier. Whether these latest state results mean that Perikatan Nasional (and PAS) will inevitably win is still up for debate. But what is clear is that Malaysia’s politics is now fragmented over a vision for the country. Three distinct views are competing.
NATIONAL UNITY IS STILL MISSING
The most support appears to be for the idea of a Malay-Islamic state espoused by PAS. It is clear the Malay polity is backing the PAS mantra that Malaysia must be under the rule of Islam and Malays, and that the non-Malays must never hold political sway. The November 2022 general elections and the recent August state elections confirmed support for this view.
Hadi Awang, the PAS leader, has openly said many times the non-Malays must be “grateful” for being allowed to stay in Malaysia, and in a bizarre attack, said the non-Malays are the main source of corruption.
If his words are taken literally - that is, the political system can only be in Muslim hands - then non-Malays would be regarded as “dhimmi”, meaning non-Muslims residing in an Islamic state.
Often translated as “protected person” under a view of political Islam, a dhimmi does not have the same political rights as Muslims and is required to pay a special tax to maintain their protected status. Property, life, and the right to practice other religions are among rights that come with this status, but not full political rights.
The second vision for Malaysia is the one espoused by the DAP, who won all but one of the non-Malay seats it contested in the August state polls, thus confirming its status as the political voice of the non-Malays.
DAP’s vision for Malaysia can best be described as “moderation” or the “middle path” - meaning that while Malaysia is largely a secular country, Islam remains the de facto official religion, with non-Muslims not subject to Islamic laws and still able to play a substantive role in the political process, including holding Cabinet positions, although not the prime ministership. The state will respect the non-Islamic religions and allow the minorities a free hand in the economy.
The third vision for Malaysia comes from the Borneo states, Sabah and Sarawak. Most analysts of Malaysia forget the “Borneo bloc” is now crucial for anyone who wants to form the federal government.
Since the 2008 general elections, MPs from Borneo have offered the numbers needed to form the federal government. Their vision is that political Islam does not apply to the Borneo states and that there is freedom of religion. They accept the phrase used in the Constitution of Malaysia, that “Islam is the religion of the federation”, but argue this does not apply to them since it was stated clearly in the 1963 Malaysia Agreement that there will be no state religion in Borneo.
They also want a high degree of autonomy and, if possible, no interference from the federal government on anything to do with Sabah or Sarawak affairs.
In other words, they are almost a “state within a state” in the Malaysian federation. This sees two Malaysias with vastly different characters: Malaya, and Sabah and Sarawak, divided by the South China Sea.
After 60 years of the federation, and with much success to celebrate, still national unity and national identity are missing. With three very distinct visions for what Malaysia should be, the future of the federation will be anything but smooth.
James Chin is Professor of Asian Studies at University of Tasmania, and the inaugural Director of the Asia Institute of Tasmania. This commentary first appeared on Lowy Institute’s blog, The Interpreter.
Source: Others/el
Commentary: Malaysia opposition party PAS’ overconfidence might be its undoing
Islamic party Parti Islam Se-Malaysia appears to be riding a wave of confidence after its solid wins in the recent state elections. It should be more circumspect, says ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute’s James Chai.
PAS supporters gather on election nomination day in Langkawi, Malaysia, on April 28, 2018. (AP Photo/Vincent Thian, File)
James Chai
11 Sep 2023 06:02AM
SINGAPORE: It is tempting to think of the Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition’s rise as a linear trajectory to Putrajaya as Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) now stands at thepeak of its powers. But if we have learned anything from history, it is that we should never underestimate PAS’ ability to get in its own way.
The internal rupture between PAS and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) is already starting to show. PAS had started to assume the role of de facto senior partner in PN - contesting the majority of the seats in the August state elections (126 out of 245 seats) and winning most of them (105 out of 126).
Soon they will not be comfortable with inequality between seat count and leadership positions, with Bersatu currently assuming key leadership positions in PN, such as the chairman, parliamentary opposition leader and secretary general.
Before the August state elections, PAS presumed that Bersatu was still necessary to give the coalition a veneer of professionalism, so that it could appeal to the broader electorate, chiefly the urban centres of West Malaysia. However, the state elections might just fuel PAS’ overconfidence that it could contest in all Malay majority seats on its own.
For instance, Negeri Sembilan, a state deemed near-impossible for PAS to win before August, saw PAS making more effective gains than Bersatu. Out of the 5 state seats won by PN, 3 were won by PAS, even though the party contested in fewer seats than its partner (13 against Bersatu’s 17).
As is characteristic of PAS, a party that prioritises political expediency under Abdul Hadi Awang, they are starting to perceive Bersatu as a partner delivering less than what it takes.
In Kedah’s state government, PN was only willing to give Bersatu just three executive council positions (down from five positions previously). This created an uproar in the backroom during negotiations.
Bersatu’s relevance to PAS will continue to fade as it loses its funding value to the coalition after its party bank accounts were frozen in January and subsequently seized in April. Without a state government to its name, Bersatu will constantly rely on PAS’ goodwill to build its influence.
STRATEGY OF COMBINING MALAY PARTIES?
It is no surprise why PAS is now actively reaching out to the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) again. Previously, PAS had worked with UMNO under the Muafakat Nasional charter, only to see the relationship end after two years with lots of name-calling and bad blood.
PAS recognises the fact that it could not complete the last mile to Putrajaya without either absolute control of Malay-majority seats (120 out of 222 seats) or substantial non-Malay support. The latter is unlikely to be delivered by its multiracial counterpart Gerakan any time soon.
This means that PAS is relooking at combining the Malay parties of PAS, Bersatu, and UMNO as its current strategy.
The only problem, of course, is PAS’s unenviable track record in party and coalition partnership.
It is the only mainstream party that has never stayed with any entity it has worked with. This is unlike the coalition of Parti Keadilan Rakyat, Democratic Action Party and Amanah, and the coalition involving UMNO, the Malaysian Chinese Association, the Malaysian Indian Congress and Gabungan Parti Sarawak.
PAS also has the tendency to be domineering and bulldoze its way even in situations demanding equal partnership. The party’s boycott of the Gerakan president’s campaign in the Malay-majority seat of Bayan Lepas is proof of its unwillingness to compromise and concede.
PAS CHIEF ABDUL HADI AWANG’S DESPERATION
But Abdul Hadi is a man in hurry, and his constant need to sell the “government collapse” narrative is a sign of his voters’ impatience. Throughout the August state elections, Hadi Awang told voters to choose his coalition, PN, as state government for the six states as an impetus to overthrow the federal government.
This is despite the fact that coalition compositions at the state level do not affect the federal level, or the two-thirds majority in parliament held by the federal government - the first time this has happened in 15 years - makes it unlikely for defections to succeed.
At any rate, the anti-party hopping law makes it procedurally challenging for defections to happen without legal consequences. In the end, the unity government bloc retained its three states and a collapse did not materialise.
To underscore his desperation, Abdul Hadi did the same for the recent Pulai by-election, arguing that winning one additional seat would create the momentum to change the federal government, however incredulous this is.
NO MORE FEDERAL ALLOCATIONS
PAS voters have been unusually impatient since last year. When PAS was in federal government between 2020 and 2022 - the first time in its history - its state constituencies received allocations of RM3.5 million (US$750,000) per year.
Now as the opposition, PAS seats are deprived of this allocation, and voters in these areas are growing impatient. Former PAS ulama council member, Khairuddin Razali, said that Abdul Hadi needed to give these voters the impression that their allocations were coming soon, and the only way was to sell the government collapse narrative.
When the government collapse did not materialise after the state elections - and it will likely remain the status quo after the Pulai by-election - PAS’s desperation will grow. This was evident in the numerous attempts to elicit defections to change government at the unity government-held Perak state before and after the state elections.
The unity government could consider giving equal funding to all seats to assuage some of Abdul Hadi’s impatience. Or it could wait and see where Abdul Hadi’s anger leads him. Either way, PAS’s overconfidence may be ruining its chances.
James Chai is a Visiting Fellow at ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute. This commentary first appeared on the Institute's blog, Fulcrum.
Source: Others/ch
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