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Cabinet reshuffle reflects how ‘political lapdogs’ are treated in Malaysia
KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 17, 2025: DAP has 40 seats in the 222-seat Parliament (second biggest bloc) but Umno has only 25 seats.
Yet, Malaysia’s 10th Prime Minister (PMX) Anwar Ibrahim, in a Cabinet reshuffle, has down graded DAP and given the racial and religious bigoted Umno more clout the so-called Madani Unity Government (UG).
This comes after the DAP lost all eight seats it contested in 17th Sabah Election and revived the call for the recognition of UEC.
And, Anwar has also told the DAP to go “fly kites” in its quest to get the UEC recognition.
To all racial and religious bigoted morons! How is this a threat to Bahasa Malaysia and the nation? How does education runs foul of the Federal Constitution?
So, Mr DAP, where is your pride, honour and integrity after being “slapped/insulted” this way?
This shouldn’t surprise Malaysians as the DAP central leaders today only care to protect their cushy government positions, not rakyat dan negara (people and country).
And Anwar’s political treatment of DAP is the same that MCA received from the racial and religious bigoted Umno youth chief Dr Akmal “Dr Ham/I Am Maly First” Saleh’s Umno in Barisan Nasional (BN).
This is why Malaysians now see the DAP as MCA 2.0 and, if the DAP remained as Anwar’s political lapdog, like MCA was a loyal No. Umno lapdog, come the next general election (GE16) which is due in 2027, the DAP is like to face the same political fate as MCA today.
The duck eggs in Sabah do not seem to have satisfied the hunger of the DAP - MCA 2.0 is asking for more duck eggs in West Malaysia.
DAP! Hear this! Just resign from Pakatan Harapan (PH) and UG before it is too late for salvaging.
Here’s what Tun Dr Ismail said about the racial and religious bigots/bigotry in Malaysia:
I've been saying this for a long time.
When the issues of race and religion are made political weapons, the country is heading towards destruction.
Our enemy is not China.
Not India.
Our enemies are the ultras of our own circles who live blowing sentiment and hate!
Every day they poison the minds of our nation.
If we continue to let it, don't be surprised when this country is destroyed by our own nation.
Tun Dr Ismail 1973
No News Is Bad News reproduces below a news report on Anwar’s Cabinet reshuffle and our previous posts:
Umno gained, DAP lost ground in Cabinet reshuffle, say analysts
Elill Easwaran and Predeep Nambiar
Azmi Hassan says DAP’s downgrade, after pushing issues such as UEC recognition, is not surprising.
Hannah Yeoh and Steven Sim of DAP received new, smaller portfolios in the Cabinet, while Johari Ghani and Noraini Ahmad were assigned ones.
PETALING JAYA: Political analysts say Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s latest Cabinet reshuffle reflects a recalibration that has left Umno in a stronger position while DAP appears to have lost influence.
Azmi Hassan of Akademi Nusantara described the outcome for DAP as an unsurprising downgrade.
“Yes, Loke Siew Fook remains as transport minister, but Steven Sim was given a smaller portfolio,” he told FMT, referring to Sim’s reassignment from the human resources ministry to the entrepreneur and cooperatives development ministry.
“DAP’s downgrade is no surprise because it has been asking for a lot, especially on Unified Examination Certificate recognition.”
In contrast, Azmi said the reshuffle demonstrated that Umno’s position had strengthened.
“For Umno, it is a deliberate upward move, especially Johari Ghani taking over the investment, trade and industry ministry, which is an important portfolio. This is a recognition of Umno,” he said.
“Noraini (Ahmad) has also been promoted to full minister (holding the commodities and plantation portfolio).”
Anwar’s Cabinet overhaul, his second since forming the unity government, involved 10 new ministers, 18 deputy ministers, and 14 ministers reassigned to different portfolios.
Besides Johari’s new position, notable changes include Johor Bahru MP Akmal Nasrullah Nasir as the new economy minister, as well as Hannah Yeoh as the federal territories minister.
James Chin of University of Tasmania said the changes involving DAP figures could be widely seen as a message to Malay voters.
“The shifting of DAP ministers can only be read as sending a signal to the Malays on the ground that Anwar is hardening his stance towards the Chinese representatives and pushing for a stronger Malay presence in government,” he said.
“This is all about pleasing Malay voters for the upcoming general election.”
PKR factions managed
Universiti Utara Malaysia’s Azizuddin Sani said Anwar had been careful to manage factional balance within PKR, particularly after Rafizi Ramli gave up the economy portfolio following his defeat as deputy president during the party polls in May.
“It is clear that Rafizi’s camp is still given space. This shows that the prime minister is open and is not sidelining any group,” he said.
“The appointment of figures such as Syed Ibrahim Syed Noh (seen as aligned with Rafizi) as a deputy minister shows that the prime minister does not want PKR to split along factional lines. Instead, he is trying to build unity and close ranks within the party.”
Sabah and Sarawak not sidelined
Universiti Malaya’s Awang Azman Pawi said the reshuffle also reflected care to avoid marginalising Sabah and Sarawak.
“A member of Sarawak DAP, for example, was appointed as a federal deputy minister even though it is an opposition party in Sarawak,” he said, referring to Mas Gading MP Mordi Bimol’s appointment as deputy youth and sports minister.
“This avoids Pakatan Harapan leaders in Sarawak feeling sidelined in the reshuffle, especially with the Sarawak state election expected at the end of next year.”
Malaysia
Cabinet reshuffle a clear shift in balance between DAP and Umno
The cabinet composition sends a clear signal to Malay voters, suggesting that Anwar is consolidating his position as a pro-Malay leader.
Updated 1 hour ago · Published on 17 Dec 2025 8:14AM
Only two ministers and one deputy minister were dropped from the cabinet - Picture from Sinar Harian, December 17, 2025
by Alfian Z.M. Tahir
THE latest cabinet reshuffle in Malaysia reflects a subtle but significant recalibration of political power within the unity government, with UMNO leaders gaining prominence, DAP figures experiencing reduced influence, and Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim appearing to position himself strategically ahead of the next general election.
Political analyst Dr Azmi Hassan of Akademi Nusantara described the ministerial appointments as signalling a clear shift in the balance between the DAP and Umno.
He noted that several DAP MPs have been assigned to ministries perceived as less strategically significant.
Citing the appointment of Hannah Yeoh as Federal Territories Minister and Steven Sim as Minister of Entrepreneur Development and Cooperatives as examples of portfolios with comparatively lower political weight.
“In the current political configuration, DAP is in a weakened position,” he said, adding that the party’s representation in the cabinet no longer reflects the influence it once held.
By contrast, UMNO leaders have seen their standing enhanced. Azmi highlighted Datuk Seri Johari Abdul Ghani’s appointment as Minister of Investment, Trade and Industry (MITI) and Datuk Seri Noraini Ahmad’s elevation from deputy minister to full minister heading the Plantation and Commodities Ministry.
“Over the past two to three years, UMNO ministers have been given opportunities to demonstrate their administrative capabilities.”
“They have been able to show results and deliver work, which has strengthened their standing within the government,” he said.
Political scientist Professor James Chin of Tasmania University offered a broader political reading, describing PKR as the main beneficiary of the reshuffle, while identifying DAP as the primary loser.
Chin said the cabinet composition sends a clear signal to Malay voters, suggesting that Anwar is consolidating his position as a pro-Malay leader.
“PKR is the biggest winner, while DAP is the loser,” Chin said, cautioning that such a strategy carries risks and may not necessarily erode support for PAS , whose Malay voter base remains deeply entrenched.
He stressed that the ultimate judgment would depend on the cabinet’s performance in managing economic issues, including growth and cost-of-living pressures.
“This cabinet must deliver results, especially on the economy. For Anwar, it is a make-or-break moment as the country moves toward the next general election,” Chin added.
Meanwhile, Datuk Dr Sivamurugan Pandian described the reshuffle as largely conservative and predictable, aimed at maintaining political stability rather than introducing major structural changes.
Only two ministers and one deputy minister were dropped from the cabinet, he noted, suggesting a focus on fine-tuning rather than drastic overhaul.
Sivamurugan acknowledged that Umno benefited from the reshuffle, with several of its leaders, including Johari, Noraini, and Datuk Seri Arthur Joseph Kurup, being elevated to full ministerial positions.
However, he rejected claims that DAP had been sidelined, arguing that the overall cabinet composition remains balanced among coalition partners.
“The reshuffle was predictable and stable. It was balanced and appropriate for maintaining stability,” he said.
Earlier today Anwar announced a cabinet reshuffle with Hannah Yeoh being assigned as Minister in the Prime Minister's Department (Federal Territories).
Prior to this, Yeoh was the youth and sports minister.
Steven Sim has been made the new Minister of Entrepreneur and Cooperatives Development who was previously the Human Resources Minister.
Taking over from Sim will be Datuk Seri R. Ramanan who is the PKR vice president.
Liew Chin Tong was named the new Deputy Finance Minister, while Datuk Mustapha Sakmud was appointed Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department overseeing Sabah and Sarawak Affairs.
Akmal Nasrullah Mohd Nasir has been entrusted with leading the Ministry of Economy, taking charge of national economic planning and reform initiatives.
Datuk Seri Johari Abdul Ghani was appointed Minister of Investment, Trade and Industry, a portfolio central to Malaysia’s trade relations and industrial growth strategy. – December 17, 2025
Monday, 15 December 2025
Rafizi, isn’t it time for Malaysia First Movement?
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Rafizi, isn’t it time for Malaysia First Movement?
https://youtu.be/bA8g54ZyIKU?si=KkFUAzP9eTWPJvUY (DAP Becoming MCA 2.0? Ong: Chinese Voters and DAP Are Now an ‘Estranged Couple’!)
4.49k subscribers
2,699 views 6 Dec 2025
In the latest political shake-up, Ong Kian Ming warns that DAP risks becoming the “MCA 2.0,” with its relationship with the Chinese community at a breaking point. What led to this decline in trust, and what can DAP do to regain support? Watch the full analysis to understand the stakes for the next elections!
KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 16, 2025: With the DAP and Pakatan Harapan (PH) becoming more and more unreliable to multi-racial Malaysians, especially the Chinese voters, a posting has appeared on Facebook calling for the birth of a new political party - Malaysia First Movement.
And the post hopes that former PKR deputy president and Reformasi (Reformation) icon Rafizi Ramli will read this:
“I hope he will at least give it a thought. If nothing else, I am sure it will be food for thought.”
And the root of the problem is Malaysia’s 10th Prime Minister (PMX) Anwar Ibrahim and his political hidden agenda.
Consider the following facts:
> WHY did Anwar used his daughter Nurul Izzah to get rid of his deputy Rafizi and his loyal reformists from the PKR leadership, embracing politics of nepotism and cronyism ala-Umno;
> WHY is Anwar treating Umno better than his PKR, eg in Penang, an Umno man was appointed Penang Yang di-Pertua Negeri (Governor). Is there no one in PKR capable to be appointed Governor or a professional who has contributed immensely to rakyat dan negara (people and country); and
> SUPPORT for Umno in the last general election (GE15) plummeted to a meagre 26.7%, a historic electoral low for the racist and religious bigoted party.
With Umno being rejected by Malaysians, especially the Malays, why is Anwar “so faithful” to Umno?
The only sane conclusion is that his hidden agenda is to return to Umno and lead it. PKR can be dissolved without hesitation.
And the DAP is digging its political grave deeper and deeper by portraying itself as a political lapdog of Anwar - giving it the image of transforming itself into MCA 2.0 (View above video clip).
With 40 seats in the 222-seat Parliament, the second biggest party after the Taliban-like PAS, multi-racial Malaysians, especially the Chinese, cannot fathom or accept DAP’s meek and muted politics in the so-called Madani Unity Government (UG).
And why is UG (read as Anwar) so tolerant with the racial and religious bigots from Umno and PAS, allowing them to spew venom freely without any enforcement action?
Clearly, Anwar is keeping his options open to work with PAS and from within Umno, if and when he leads it.
Yes! The Abim and Umno DNA in Anwar is shaping Anwar’s hidden political agenda indeed.
No News Is Bad News reproduces below articles that are worth pondering for Malaysian voters:
Socio-political Issues (Malaysia)
We already have a Sabah First movement.
We also have a Sarawak First movement.
Considering that, shouldn't the time now be ripe for a Malaysia First movement?
If anybody has not noticed, the federation is unravelling.
The people of Sabah and Sarawak increasingly see themselves as Sabahans and Sarawakians, rather than Malaysians. The people in Semenanjung are also struggling to see ourselves as Malaysian first. Most of us prefer to be Malay, Chinese, or Indian according to our racial identities, rather than according to our national identity, and this racial sentiment has been intensifying, instead of relaxing in recent times.
Considering everything, isn't now the perfect time for a Malaysia First movement to enter our political landscape.
When Najib launched his “Satu Malaysia” slogan once upon a time ago, he might have had something like a Malaysia First movement in mind, but the trouble was that it was probably badly timed. Most Malaysians did not yet feel that there were “two Malaysias” or “three Malaysias” for us to understand what “one Malaysia” meant, or why it was necessary.
But a Malaysia First ideology might be well-timed now, because the federation visibly needs an ideology that can keep it together.
The Sabah First and Sarawak First ideologies—like it or not—are tearing the federation apart.
I am not saying that I don't understand or appreciate the rationale or justifications behind the Sabah First and Sarawak First ideologies. I do understand why Sabahans and Sarawakians are pushing these ideas. There is historical grievance, there is inequality, and there is the perception of colonization by Peninsular elites that might have moved them to launch these movements But regardless of whether the ideology is grounded in justice or merit, its practical effect is that it is causing the federation to unravel.
Just look at the recently concluded Sabah election where the Sabah First ideology took center stage—it wiped out all Putrajaya-based parties in Sabah.
And in the upcoming Sarawak election, I will bet RM1.30 that the Sarawak First ideology will also take center stage and demolish the Putrajaya-based parties in Sarawak in a manner equal to, or even exceeding, what happened in Sabah.
Given how powerful Sabah First and Sarawak First have become, I truly believe that it is time for a Malaysia First ideology to burst onto the scene—not to deny regional rights, but to counterbalance the centripetal forces pulling the country apart.
What would a Malaysia First ideology stand for?
Honestly, I don’t know. If I know anything about it, it is just this two things.
I don't think that it should resemble anything like the old “Malaysia for Malaysians” idea of DAP or PAP or Najib's “Satu Malaysia”, where you open everything from clinics to supermarkets to give cash handouts, to make Malaysians feel more Malaysians.
Secondly, I think that the Malaysia First idea should probably take a leaf from the Sabah First and Sarawak First concept—except that rather than being limited to those states, it would encompass the entire federation. Such an ideology might even gain early traction in Sabah and Sarawak because it could act as a counterforce to the hyper-local nationalism emerging there. Right now, Sabah First and Sarawak First have no ideological competitor. A Malaysia First narrative could be the first meaningful pushback—not by dismissing regional identity, but by offering a bigger national identity that includes it.
The federation may be fraying, but I am quite sure there are many Malaysians who are sentimentally attached to being Malaysian, and they would welcome a Malaysia First project that defends this identity.
As for who should lead such a party?
I think it should be Rafizi.
Why? Simply because there is no one else who fits the role better—and because Rafizi himself probably needs somewhere to land, now that he seems to have burned bridges with PKR.
I think Rafizi is oddly suitable to champion a Malaysia First ideology particularly because he is not tied to any other identity.
If you notice, Rafizi's identity if fluid and dynamic.
He is Malay, but he is not strongly tied to Malay ethnonationalism.
He is Muslim, but not strongly defined by religious politics.
Judging from his relationship with PKR, I doubt that he has any deep partisan inclination either.
He is part-entrepreneurial , yet he carries a whiff of socialist traits.
He is not fully for the government, although he is a part of the government, and he is somewhat of an opposition, although he is not a part of the opposition.
The fact that you can’t pin down Rafizi’s identity in a way, makes him an ideal symbol of a Malaysian identity.
If Rafizi were to declare that he is Malaysian First, I truly think that many people will believe him, simply because he doesn’t comfortably fit into any other identities. .
Shakespeare once wrote: some men are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them.
Rafizi may not have been born or groomed to champion a Malaysian First ideology, but given the timing, he might be the one that is thrust into that role by the tides of history.
If the federation is unravelling…
If Rafizi needs to go somewhere but he has nowhere else to go…
If no one will doubt him if he claims to be a Malaysian First…
If Sabah First and Sarawak First have succeeded so greatly that they have inadvertently set the stage for Malaysia First…
If Malaysians who love their national identity are waiting for someone to defend it…
If Malaysia First can give Rafizi a pathway to the top of the country—a pathway he currently does not have and could use to fulfill his own personal ambitions and aspirations…..
Then the real question may not be why should he start such a party, but why shouldn’t he?
Not every path forward is chosen out of desire.
Sometimes, the path forward is chosen because no other path exists.
And if destiny has already laid a road before us, perhaps the wisest thing is simply to walk it—as far as it will take us, in the best manner that we can.
I hope Rafizi will read this.
I hope he will at least give it a thought.
If nothing else, I am sure it will be food for thought.
#MalaysiaMadani #MalaysiaFirst #SarawakFirst
#SabahFirst #sarawakforsarawakian #RafiziRamli
Image credit: Utusan
Sokongan Melayu Kepada UMNO Jatuh Kepada 26.7% Sahaja Di Ambang PRU15, Terburuk Dalam Sejarah
Berikut adalah tahap sokongan pengundi sehari sebelum pengundian PRU15 berdasarkan kaji selidik terkini melalui kaedah panggilan telefon interactive voice response (IVR).
Pengundi ditanya gabungan mana akan diundi dalam PRU15 ini.
Kaji selidik dijalankan pada hari Rabu (16 November) dan Khamis (17 November) melibatkan 1,226 pengundi berdaftar di seluruh negara yang dipilih mengikut strata pengundi berdasarkan jantina, umur, kaum, pecahan bandar/desa, latar belakang ekonomi dan seterusnya diberikan pemberat mengikut jumlah pengundi bagi setiap strata di seluruh negara.
Margin kesilapan (margin of error) adalah 2.8%.
Kaedah sampel sebegini membolehkan kaji selidik memberi gambaran tepat yang mewakili (representative) semua pengundi berdasarkan strata masing-masing.
Dapatan-dapatan utama sehari sebelum PRU15:
· Sokongan pengundi Melayu kepada UMNO/BN berada di paras terendah di dalam sejarah iaitu 26.7%. Tahap sokongan pengundi Melayu menjelang PRU14 adalah 33.6% yang menunjukkan keadaan UMNO/BN adalah lebih parah sekarang berbanding PRU14.
· Sokongan pengundi Melayu kepada PH dan PN adalah hampir sama iaitu di antara 22% ke 23%. Tahap sokongan Melayu kepada PH kali ini adalah lebih tinggi dari PRU14 (menjelang hari mengundi).
· Jumlah pengundi Melayu yang belum membuat keputusan meningkat dari minggu lepas kepada 24%, iaitu pertambahan 4% dalam masa seminggu. Ini menunjukkan lebih ramai pengundi Melayu menukar keputusan dari mengundi UMNO/BN (minggu lepas) kepada “Belum buat keputusan” yang membayangkan peralihan undi Melayu kepada PH.
· Sokongan pengundi Cina dan India kepada PH telah kembali ke paras PRU14.
· Sokongan keseluruhan pengundi kepada PH mengatasi sokongan kepada UMNO/BN dan PN di semua peringkat umur pengundi. Peningkatan paling ketara ialah di kalangan pengundi >55 tahun (PH mendahului pada paras 36% berbanding BN – 31% dan PN – 11%), diikuti dengan kumpulan pengundi 25-54 tahun (PH mendahului pada paras 30% berbanding BN – 22% dan PN – 18%).
· Sokongan keseluruhan pengundi muda 18-24 tahun adalah hampir sama bagi ketiga-tiga gabungan iaitu dalam julat 20% – 25%.
Jika pola sokongan ini tidak berubah menjelang hari mengundi esok dan jumlah kehadiran melebihi 75%, PH dijangka akan dapat memenangi lebih dari 100 kerusi Parlimen di seluruh negara.
Oleh itu, untuk meneruskan gelombang ini, saya menjemput semua rakyat Malaysia untuk menyertai saya, Anwar Ibrahim dan pimpinan KEADILAN/PH di Ceramah Mega Grand Finale #AyuhMalaysia #KitaBoleh malam ini (Jumaat, 18 November 2022) di Padang MPAJ, Pandan Indah bermula 830 malam.
Orang ramai di luar Lembah Klang boleh mengikuti siaran langsung di media sosial.
Saya doakan rakyat Malaysia terus membulatkan hati untuk membuat perubahan demi masa depan bila mengundi esok.
RAFIZI RAMLI
Monday, 15 December 2025
Jan 24: Chance for Sabahans to send a clear message to UG - repent, reform or pack-up in GE16
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Jan 24: Chance for Sabahans to send a clear message to UG - repent, reform or pack-up in GE16
KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 16, 2025: On Jan 24, Sabahans go to the polls again for the Kinabatangan and Lamag by-election, and both seats are expected to be contested and defended by the racial and religious bigoted Umno youth chief Dr Akmal "Dr Ham/I Am Malay First" Saleh's Umno.
It is a chance for Sabahans to send a clear message to the Pakatan Harapan (PH)-led so-called Madani Unity Government (UG), led by the NATO (No Action Talk Only) Anwar Ibrahim, that he must repent and reform or pack-up after the next general election (GE16) due in 2027.
Send Barisan-Umno packing in the by-elections with a message: Enough of political rhetoric, racial and religious bigotry … enough is enough, action only speaks, nothing else.
After Sabahans, especially the Chinese voters, dumped the DAP in the Nov 29 17th Sabah Election, and gave Shafie Apdal’s Warisan 25 seats and the popular vote, it is clear, like the Sarawakians, that they trust a sane and wise Muslim leader than the DAP to lead multi-racial Malaysians and Malaysia.
And Singapore Straits Times has posted a damning report on whether PH, like the DAP, is imploding with political leaders mulling to leave the coalition.
On Jan 24, Sabahans have the opportunity to help consolidate Warisan’s political standing in Sabah and Malaysia.
No News Is Bad News reproduces below a news report on the by-elections:
Kinabatangan, Lamag by-elections on Jan 24
The by-elections follow the death of Sabah Umno chief Bung Moktar Radin on Dec 5.
Nominations for the by-elections will be held on Jan 10 and early voting on Jan 20.
PETALING JAYA: The by-elections for the Kinabatangan parliamentary seat and Lamag state seat in Sabah will be held on Jan 24 next year, the Election Commission (EC) announced today.
In a press conference at the commission’s headquarters, EC chairman Ramlan Harun said nominations would be held on Jan 10 and early voting on Jan 20.
A total of 48,722 voters, including 196 policemen, are eligible to cast their ballots in the two by-elections.
The by-elections will cost the EC some RM10 million.
They follow the death of Sabah Umno chief Bung Moktar Radin on Dec 5, less than a week after being elected to a second term as Lamag assemblyman.
The 66-year-old defended his state seat with a slim majority of just 153 votes in the Sabah state election last month.
The former Sabah deputy chief minister had also been the Kinabatangan MP for six terms. In the 2022 general election, he retained the parliamentary seat with a solid 4,330-vote majority.
Last week, PAS deputy president Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man said Perikatan Nasional had decided not to contest the Kinabatangan and Lamag by-elections.
Rafizi, isn’t it time for Malaysia First Movement?
Share to help stimulate good governance, ensure future of people & M’sia
No News Is Bad News
Rafizi, isn’t it time for Malaysia First Movement?
https://youtu.be/bA8g54ZyIKU?si=KkFUAzP9eTWPJvUY (DAP Becoming MCA 2.0? Ong: Chinese Voters and DAP Are Now an ‘Estranged Couple’!)
4.49k subscribers
2,699 views 6 Dec 2025
In the latest political shake-up, Ong Kian Ming warns that DAP risks becoming the “MCA 2.0,” with its relationship with the Chinese community at a breaking point. What led to this decline in trust, and what can DAP do to regain support? Watch the full analysis to understand the stakes for the next elections!
KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 16, 2025: With the DAP and Pakatan Harapan (PH) becoming more and more unreliable to multi-racial Malaysians, especially the Chinese voters, a posting has appeared on Facebook calling for the birth of a new political party - Malaysia First Movement.
And the post hopes that former PKR deputy president and Reformasi (Reformation) icon Rafizi Ramli will read this:
“I hope he will at least give it a thought. If nothing else, I am sure it will be food for thought.”
And the root of the problem is Malaysia’s 10th Prime Minister (PMX) Anwar Ibrahim and his political hidden agenda.
Consider the following facts:
> WHY did Anwar used his daughter Nurul Izzah to get rid of his deputy Rafizi and his loyal reformists from the PKR leadership, embracing politics of nepotism and cronyism ala-Umno;
> WHY is Anwar treating Umno better than his PKR, eg in Penang, an Umno man was appointed Penang Yang di-Pertua Negeri (Governor). Is there no one in PKR capable to be appointed Governor or a professional who has contributed immensely to rakyat dan negara (people and country); and
> SUPPORT for Umno in the last general election (GE15) plummeted to a meagre 26.7%, a historic electoral low for the racist and religious bigoted party.
With Umno being rejected by Malaysians, especially the Malays, why is Anwar “so faithful” to Umno?
The only sane conclusion is that his hidden agenda is to return to Umno and lead it. PKR can be dissolved without hesitation.
And the DAP is digging its political grave deeper and deeper by portraying itself as a political lapdog of Anwar - giving it the image of transforming itself into MCA 2.0 (View above video clip).
With 40 seats in the 222-seat Parliament, the second biggest party after the Taliban-like PAS, multi-racial Malaysians, especially the Chinese, cannot fathom or accept DAP’s meek and muted politics in the so-called Madani Unity Government (UG).
And why is UG (read as Anwar) so tolerant with the racial and religious bigots from Umno and PAS, allowing them to spew venom freely without any enforcement action?
Clearly, Anwar is keeping his options open to work with PAS and from within Umno, if and when he leads it.
Yes! The Abim and Umno DNA in Anwar is shaping Anwar’s hidden political agenda indeed.
No News Is Bad News reproduces below articles that are worth pondering for Malaysian voters:
Socio-political Issues (Malaysia)
We already have a Sabah First movement.
We also have a Sarawak First movement.
Considering that, shouldn't the time now be ripe for a Malaysia First movement?
If anybody has not noticed, the federation is unravelling.
The people of Sabah and Sarawak increasingly see themselves as Sabahans and Sarawakians, rather than Malaysians. The people in Semenanjung are also struggling to see ourselves as Malaysian first. Most of us prefer to be Malay, Chinese, or Indian according to our racial identities, rather than according to our national identity, and this racial sentiment has been intensifying, instead of relaxing in recent times.
Considering everything, isn't now the perfect time for a Malaysia First movement to enter our political landscape.
When Najib launched his “Satu Malaysia” slogan once upon a time ago, he might have had something like a Malaysia First movement in mind, but the trouble was that it was probably badly timed. Most Malaysians did not yet feel that there were “two Malaysias” or “three Malaysias” for us to understand what “one Malaysia” meant, or why it was necessary.
But a Malaysia First ideology might be well-timed now, because the federation visibly needs an ideology that can keep it together.
The Sabah First and Sarawak First ideologies—like it or not—are tearing the federation apart.
I am not saying that I don't understand or appreciate the rationale or justifications behind the Sabah First and Sarawak First ideologies. I do understand why Sabahans and Sarawakians are pushing these ideas. There is historical grievance, there is inequality, and there is the perception of colonization by Peninsular elites that might have moved them to launch these movements But regardless of whether the ideology is grounded in justice or merit, its practical effect is that it is causing the federation to unravel.
Just look at the recently concluded Sabah election where the Sabah First ideology took center stage—it wiped out all Putrajaya-based parties in Sabah.
And in the upcoming Sarawak election, I will bet RM1.30 that the Sarawak First ideology will also take center stage and demolish the Putrajaya-based parties in Sarawak in a manner equal to, or even exceeding, what happened in Sabah.
Given how powerful Sabah First and Sarawak First have become, I truly believe that it is time for a Malaysia First ideology to burst onto the scene—not to deny regional rights, but to counterbalance the centripetal forces pulling the country apart.
What would a Malaysia First ideology stand for?
Honestly, I don’t know. If I know anything about it, it is just this two things.
I don't think that it should resemble anything like the old “Malaysia for Malaysians” idea of DAP or PAP or Najib's “Satu Malaysia”, where you open everything from clinics to supermarkets to give cash handouts, to make Malaysians feel more Malaysians.
Secondly, I think that the Malaysia First idea should probably take a leaf from the Sabah First and Sarawak First concept—except that rather than being limited to those states, it would encompass the entire federation. Such an ideology might even gain early traction in Sabah and Sarawak because it could act as a counterforce to the hyper-local nationalism emerging there. Right now, Sabah First and Sarawak First have no ideological competitor. A Malaysia First narrative could be the first meaningful pushback—not by dismissing regional identity, but by offering a bigger national identity that includes it.
The federation may be fraying, but I am quite sure there are many Malaysians who are sentimentally attached to being Malaysian, and they would welcome a Malaysia First project that defends this identity.
As for who should lead such a party?
I think it should be Rafizi.
Why? Simply because there is no one else who fits the role better—and because Rafizi himself probably needs somewhere to land, now that he seems to have burned bridges with PKR.
I think Rafizi is oddly suitable to champion a Malaysia First ideology particularly because he is not tied to any other identity.
If you notice, Rafizi's identity if fluid and dynamic.
He is Malay, but he is not strongly tied to Malay ethnonationalism.
He is Muslim, but not strongly defined by religious politics.
Judging from his relationship with PKR, I doubt that he has any deep partisan inclination either.
He is part-entrepreneurial , yet he carries a whiff of socialist traits.
He is not fully for the government, although he is a part of the government, and he is somewhat of an opposition, although he is not a part of the opposition.
The fact that you can’t pin down Rafizi’s identity in a way, makes him an ideal symbol of a Malaysian identity.
If Rafizi were to declare that he is Malaysian First, I truly think that many people will believe him, simply because he doesn’t comfortably fit into any other identities. .
Shakespeare once wrote: some men are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them.
Rafizi may not have been born or groomed to champion a Malaysian First ideology, but given the timing, he might be the one that is thrust into that role by the tides of history.
If the federation is unravelling…
If Rafizi needs to go somewhere but he has nowhere else to go…
If no one will doubt him if he claims to be a Malaysian First…
If Sabah First and Sarawak First have succeeded so greatly that they have inadvertently set the stage for Malaysia First…
If Malaysians who love their national identity are waiting for someone to defend it…
If Malaysia First can give Rafizi a pathway to the top of the country—a pathway he currently does not have and could use to fulfill his own personal ambitions and aspirations…..
Then the real question may not be why should he start such a party, but why shouldn’t he?
Not every path forward is chosen out of desire.
Sometimes, the path forward is chosen because no other path exists.
And if destiny has already laid a road before us, perhaps the wisest thing is simply to walk it—as far as it will take us, in the best manner that we can.
I hope Rafizi will read this.
I hope he will at least give it a thought.
If nothing else, I am sure it will be food for thought.
#MalaysiaMadani #MalaysiaFirst #SarawakFirst
#SabahFirst #sarawakforsarawakian #RafiziRamli
Image credit: Utusan
Sokongan Melayu Kepada UMNO Jatuh Kepada 26.7% Sahaja Di Ambang PRU15, Terburuk Dalam Sejarah
Berikut adalah tahap sokongan pengundi sehari sebelum pengundian PRU15 berdasarkan kaji selidik terkini melalui kaedah panggilan telefon interactive voice response (IVR).
Pengundi ditanya gabungan mana akan diundi dalam PRU15 ini.
Kaji selidik dijalankan pada hari Rabu (16 November) dan Khamis (17 November) melibatkan 1,226 pengundi berdaftar di seluruh negara yang dipilih mengikut strata pengundi berdasarkan jantina, umur, kaum, pecahan bandar/desa, latar belakang ekonomi dan seterusnya diberikan pemberat mengikut jumlah pengundi bagi setiap strata di seluruh negara.
Margin kesilapan (margin of error) adalah 2.8%.
Kaedah sampel sebegini membolehkan kaji selidik memberi gambaran tepat yang mewakili (representative) semua pengundi berdasarkan strata masing-masing.
Dapatan-dapatan utama sehari sebelum PRU15:
· Sokongan pengundi Melayu kepada UMNO/BN berada di paras terendah di dalam sejarah iaitu 26.7%. Tahap sokongan pengundi Melayu menjelang PRU14 adalah 33.6% yang menunjukkan keadaan UMNO/BN adalah lebih parah sekarang berbanding PRU14.
· Sokongan pengundi Melayu kepada PH dan PN adalah hampir sama iaitu di antara 22% ke 23%. Tahap sokongan Melayu kepada PH kali ini adalah lebih tinggi dari PRU14 (menjelang hari mengundi).
· Jumlah pengundi Melayu yang belum membuat keputusan meningkat dari minggu lepas kepada 24%, iaitu pertambahan 4% dalam masa seminggu. Ini menunjukkan lebih ramai pengundi Melayu menukar keputusan dari mengundi UMNO/BN (minggu lepas) kepada “Belum buat keputusan” yang membayangkan peralihan undi Melayu kepada PH.
· Sokongan pengundi Cina dan India kepada PH telah kembali ke paras PRU14.
· Sokongan keseluruhan pengundi kepada PH mengatasi sokongan kepada UMNO/BN dan PN di semua peringkat umur pengundi. Peningkatan paling ketara ialah di kalangan pengundi >55 tahun (PH mendahului pada paras 36% berbanding BN – 31% dan PN – 11%), diikuti dengan kumpulan pengundi 25-54 tahun (PH mendahului pada paras 30% berbanding BN – 22% dan PN – 18%).
· Sokongan keseluruhan pengundi muda 18-24 tahun adalah hampir sama bagi ketiga-tiga gabungan iaitu dalam julat 20% – 25%.
Jika pola sokongan ini tidak berubah menjelang hari mengundi esok dan jumlah kehadiran melebihi 75%, PH dijangka akan dapat memenangi lebih dari 100 kerusi Parlimen di seluruh negara.
Oleh itu, untuk meneruskan gelombang ini, saya menjemput semua rakyat Malaysia untuk menyertai saya, Anwar Ibrahim dan pimpinan KEADILAN/PH di Ceramah Mega Grand Finale #AyuhMalaysia #KitaBoleh malam ini (Jumaat, 18 November 2022) di Padang MPAJ, Pandan Indah bermula 830 malam.
Orang ramai di luar Lembah Klang boleh mengikuti siaran langsung di media sosial.
Saya doakan rakyat Malaysia terus membulatkan hati untuk membuat perubahan demi masa depan bila mengundi esok.
RAFIZI RAMLI
To all the moronic racial and religious bigots: Why are UEC and SJKCs outperforming national schools in SPM BM pass rates?
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For image info, go to https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2025/05/13/more-malay-parents-choose-chinese-schools-for-academic-edge-survey-finds
To all the moronic racial and religious bigots: Why are UEC and SJKCs outperforming national schools in SPM BM pass rates?
KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 15, 2025: The Coverage has posted a slew of articles with statistics that show the Unified Examination Certificates (UEC) and SJKC students outperformed national school pupils in the SPM Bahasa Malaysia (BM) pass rates.
How then is the UEC a threat to the national language when their students are doing better in Bahasa Malaysia than national schools?
So, to all the moronic racial and religious bigots and bigoted politicians, just SHUT-UP and stop spewing SHIT! Stuff all your racial and religious political bigotry and agenda where they belong!
No News Is Bad News reproduces below The Coverage post:
SPM BM Pass Rates: UEC (96%) & SJKC (90%) Outperform National Schools (75%)—High UEC & SJKC Success Spotlights National System Failure
15 December, 2025
Stop claiming to be the ultimate defender of language, race, and nation every single day when the SPM Bahasa Melayu pass rates from SJKC and UEC products are far better than those of national schools.
SJKC students: ~90%
National school candidates: ~75% only achieved a pass or failed.
Students from Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) independent Chinese schools who sit for the Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia (SPM) Bahasa Melayu (BM) paper achieve an outstanding passing rate of over 96% consistently in recent years (e.g., 97.38% in 2022, 97.11% in 2023, and 96.65% in 2024).
Source – FMT
Meanwhile, the passing rate for BM in Sekolah Jenis Kebangsaan Cina (SJKC, vernacular Chinese national-type schools) has improved significantly, reaching nearly 90% in recent years.
Source : NST
In contrast, nearly 75% of SPM candidates from national schools only achieved a pass or failed.
This is not a minor gap. It is a chasm. And it points not to the failure of students, but to the failure of a system.
According to last year’s SPM report released by the Ministry of Education (KPM), out of 373,525 candidates, 278,700 obtained results ranging from at least a pass in some subjects, to failing one subject, failing all subjects, or other combinations. Nearly 25% – or about 94,825 candidates – either barely passed, failed one or more subjects, failed all, or had other poor outcomes.
Asyraf Wajdi (MARA Chairman) expressed concern, stating, “What should be of greater concern are the more than 280,000 Bumiputera students who either failed the SPM or only passed without credits. These students have been left behind and are not eligible for Matriculation.”
The Real Crisis Is in National Schools, Not Vernacular / UEC Ones
When nearly three-quarters of national school students struggle to master the national language at a credit level, we must ask: who is truly upholding Article 152 of the Federal Constitution, which establishes Bahasa Melayu as the national language?
The data suggests vernacular schools and the UEC system are, by outcome, among its strongest defenders. Their students exit the system with proven proficiency.
Meanwhile, the Ministry of Education has revealed a deeper rot: over 400,000 students in primary and secondary national schools are grappling with fundamental learning gaps. A total of 280,985 primary pupils have not mastered BM, while 154,853 secondary students lack basic 3M skills (reading, writing, arithmetic). This is the true national education crisis—one of foundational literacy within the mainstream system.
Yet, instead of declaring an emergency to reform teaching methods, infrastructure, and support in these failing schools, what is the political response?
A tired, divisive campaign to scapegoat vernacular education. To weaponise race and religion by calling for the abolition of SJKCs and UEC—systems that are demonstrably working.
This is more than negligence; it is a calculated diversion from the government’s own constitutional duty under the National Education Philosophy: to produce knowledgeable, ethical, and competent citizens.
These statistics clearly show that UEC independent schools and vernacular Chinese schools are not undermining the national education goals, particularly in mastering Bahasa Melayu. On the contrary, their students excel in the SPM BM paper.
The real challenge lies within the mainstream national education system, which appears to be failing many students in achieving proficiency in the national language and basic skills.
UEC and vernacular Chinese schools are not the root cause of weaknesses in Bahasa Melayu mastery among Malaysian students. Statistically, it is the national school system that requires urgent improvement to better support our students and align fully with the nation’s education aspirations.
Article 153 Protects All Bumiputera, Without Distinction
Whenever discussing the Hak Keistimewaan orang Melayu dan Bumiputera, it is crucial to note that there are more than 150,000 Bumiputera students in Chinese-medium schools nationwide. They, too, have the right to protection and support.
“If Bumiputera institutions like UiTM receive RM 2 billion, Islamic religious schools (sekolah agama and tahfiz) under syiar Islam receive RM 2.6 billion, and MARA receives RM 2 billion annually, then what about the 150,000 Bumiputera students within the Chinese education system? Why are they, who are equally Bumiputera, treated differently?”
Here is where the argument must pivot to our supreme law: the Federal Constitution.
Article 153 on the “Special position of the Malays and Natives of Sabah and Sarawak” does not specify where a Bumiputera child must study to deserve protection. It guarantees rights and privileges to the group, irrespective of the school gate they walk through.
Therefore, we must confront an uncomfortable truth: there are over 150,000 Bumiputera students currently enrolled in SJKCs across Malaysia. They are Malay, Kadazan, Iban, Bajau, and Orang Asli children. By constitutional definition, they are entitled to the same protection and support as any other Bumiputera child.
Why, then, are they treated as second-class in the distribution of that protection?
Institutions like UiTM, Islamic religious schools, and MARA rightly receive billions in annual funding to safeguard Bumiputera educational interests. Yet, the 150,000+ Bumiputera children within the Chinese education ecosystem are largely invisible to this allocation. Their schools receive minimal support, and their choice of a multilingual education is framed as a threat rather than a right.
This creates a perverse two-tier system: a Bumiputera child in a sekolah kebangsaan, sekolah agama, or MARA college is seen as deserving of full constitutional shelter. A Bumiputera child in an SJKC is somehow seen as less deserving, or even a problem. This is a betrayal of Article 153’s spirit.
Article 12 of the Federal Constitution, which guarantees every citizen the right to education without discrimination based on religion, race, descent, or place of birth.
The English-UEC Double Standard: A Hypocrisy That Betrays Our Students
· Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM), an institution constitutionally reserved for Bumiputera students and funded by public money, uses English as the primary medium of instruction across its vast majority of science, technology, and business programmes. This is not a minor detail; it is the operational core of our largest public university.
· MARA Junior Science Colleges (MRSM) and colleges offer the Cambridge IGCSE and A-Level programmes—curricula that are 100% conducted and examined in English. These are not fringe options; they are prestigious, sought-after pathways heavily subsidised by the state.
· The Malaysian government officially recognises international qualifications like the Cambridge O-Level, AGCSE, and A-Level for entry into public universities, matriculation programmes, and critical scholarships.
Now, hold that principle in mind and examine the sustained political campaign against the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC).
The central accusation is that the UEC undermines Bahasa Melayu and national unity. Politicians and certain groups frame it as an existential threat to our linguistic and cultural fabric.
This argument disintegrates upon the slightest scrutiny of the UEC syllabus itself.
Unlike the Cambridge curriculum—which is purely English—the UEC mandates Bahasa Melayu as a compulsory, examinable subject. Every UEC student must study, sit for, and pass the Bahasa Melayu paper to graduate. The UEC doesn’t sideline the national language; it institutionalises it as a core pillar of its certification.
The results, as we have seen, speak louder than rhetoric. UEC students sitting for the SPM Bahasa Melayu paper consistently achieve pass rates exceeding 96%—a rate that shames the national system’s own output. They are not failing BM; they are mastering it.
So, we arrive at the unavoidable, glaring question:
If a fully English-medium Cambridge curriculum is celebrated, funded, and seen as a vehicle for Bumiputera advancement, why is the UEC—which structurally includes and promotes Bahasa Melayu—vilified as a threat?
This contradiction is too vast to be an oversight. It reveals the truth: the opposition to UEC is not about protecting Bahasa Melayu.
It is a politically convenient hypocrisy.
The real threat to our national education goals is not the UEC. It is this intellectual dishonesty that prioritises political point-scoring over coherent policy.
SJKCs Are De Facto National Schools for Thousands of Bumiputera Families
The narrative that SJKCs are “Chinese schools for Chinese only” is destroyed by the data on enrolment:
· SJK(C) Chi Sin in Batu Kikir, Negeri Sembilan: 94% Malay
· SJK(C) Panching in Kuantan: 81% Malay
· SJK(C) Chio Chiao: 80% Malay.
· SJK(C) Khai Chee: 64% Malay
· SJK(C) Kuala Krau: 66% Malay.
· SJK(C) Ton Fah: 55% Malay
· In Sarawak, Bumiputera students make up 38% of enrolment in Chinese-aided primary schools.
· In Sabah, it is common for SJKCs to have over 70% non-Chinese enrolment, with significant numbers of Kadazan-Dusun, Bajau, and other indigenous pupils.
They are Malaysian schools chosen by Bumiputera parents—often in rural or semi-urban areas—for one reason: they deliver quality, disciplined, multilingual education. These parents are voting with their children’s futures. They are seeking the very excellence that the national system is failing to provide.
Therefore, private UEC schools and vernacular schools are not failing our national educational goals; in fact, their students achieve excellent grades in SPM BM. Instead, it is the national education system that is failing to meet its objectives.
The main goal of the National Education Policy is to produce knowledgeable, ethical, responsible citizens and to provide a skilled workforce for national development, in line with the National Education Philosophy. Statistically, the data shows that the national school system is failing our students—not UEC or Chinese schools.
We must choose: either we embrace a coherent, multi-lingual strategy for national excellence that includes all proven systems, or we admit that our education policy is not about language or quality, but about something far less noble.
The evidence is on the table. The hypocrisy is plain to see. The question is whether we have the courage to call it what it is and demand better for all our children.
The Coverage Media
55% of The Student Population At SJK(C) Ton Fah Were Malay
Whenever discussing the Hak Keistimewaan orang Melayu dan Bumiputera, it is crucial to note that there are more than 150,000 Bumiputera students in Chinese-medium schools nationwide. They, too, have the right to protection and support.
"If Bumiputera institutions like UiTM receive RM 2 billion, Islamic religious schools (sekolah agama and tahfiz) under syiar Islam receive RM 2.6 billion, and MARA receives RM 2 billion annually, then what about the 150,000 Bumiputera students within the Chinese education system? Why are they, who are equally Bumiputera, treated differently?"
Despite being a national-type Chinese primary school (SJKC), SJK(C) Ton Fah in Selangor stands as a striking example of Malaysia's multicultural unity.
Over half of its students are Malay, highlighting how these institutions have evolved into inclusive spaces where children from different ethnic backgrounds learn together.
The school, with a 113-year history since its founding in 1910, was recently relocated from its original site in Kampung Sungai Machang, Beranang, to a modern campus in Eco Majestic, Semenyih.
The relocation, which took nearly six years to complete, cost RM11.5 million. The developer contributed RM7.5 million, while the Ministry of Education (MOE) and Ministry of Finance (MOF) provided the remaining RM4 million.
Currently, the school has 253 students. According to Malaysiakini reports, Malays make up 52.57% of the student body, followed by 34.78% Chinese, 7.51% Indian, and 5.14% from other ethnicities.
Just three months earlier, the Malay percentage was even higher at 55.23%.
This shift is part of a broader trend in Malaysian Chinese vernacular schools.
Many SJKCs, now have significant or majority non-Chinese enrolment, driven by Malay parents seeking quality education, bilingual proficiency (Mandarin and English), and a disciplined environment.
Examples of Other SJKCs with High Malay Enrolment
SJK(C) Chi Sin (Batu Kikir, Negeri Sembilan): 62 out of 66 students are Malay, with all 20 Primary One students being Malay.
SJK(C) Khai Chee: 64% Malay.
SJK(C) Kuala Krau: 66% Malay.
SJK(C) Chio Chiao: 80% Malay.
SJK(C) Panching: 81% Malay.
Nationally, non-Chinese students in SJKCs have risen from around 12% in 2010 to about 25% in recent years, with Malays forming the largest group among them.
A Broader National Trend: Inclusivity in East Malaysia
This multiracial composition is particularly pronounced in East Malaysia:
In Sarawak, Bumiputera students make up 38% of enrolment in Chinese-aided primary schools, far surpassing the national average.
In Sabah, many SJKCs have more than 70% non-Chinese enrolment, including significant numbers of indigenous students from groups like Kadazan-Dusun and Bajau, reflecting parents' preference for quality multilingual education.
Why Malay Parents Choose Vernacular Schools
Many non-Chinese parents are drawn to SJKC for its reputedly superior education, discipline, and teaching staff.
Abd Ghani Zainudin, deputy president of the National Union of the Teaching Profession (NUTP) and Negeri Sembilan state chairman, explains that Malay parents are increasingly attracted to these schools because:
Their children have a strong chance to master Mandarin, a valuable skill in Malaysia's pluralistic society and for future careers, especially with China's global influence.
The teaching and learning quality (especially in science and mathematics) is often perceived as superior compared to some national schools.
Vernacular schools foster a disciplined environment and academic reputation that parents prioritise.
A teacher at a national school, Che Wan Rosida Wan Hasan (40, from Nilai, Negeri Sembilan), chose to send her two children (aged 13 and 9) to a vernacular school.
She says it has positively impacted their attitude, thinking, and diligence, helping them master both Mandarin and English effectively.
In schools with majority non-Chinese pupils, such as SJK(C) Kampung Baru Paroi, bilingual teaching formats have become common. Many SJKCs also offer Islamic education classes for Muslim students and accommodate halal needs to make the environment more inclusive.
Vernacular Schools as a Model for Racial Integration and Unity
Ironically, while Malaysia's national education system aspires to promote unity through a single stream, national schools have become increasingly mono-ethnic , limiting daily inter-ethnic interactions.
In contrast, vernacular Chinese schools—once seen as preserving ethnic identity—have become more successful platforms for racial integration, where children of different races mix, study, and play together from a young age.
This evolving racial composition shows that Chinese education is no longer solely a "Chinese affair"—it has become a truly Malaysian one, embracing all races and ethnicities.
Supporting and helping Chinese schools means empowering Bumiputera with trilingual skills for better future opportunities—directly aligning with the special rights and advancement of Malays and Bumiputera.
Please remember: Whenever discussing the Hak Keistimewaan orang Melayu dan Bumiputera, it is crucial to note that there are more than 150,000 Bumiputera students in Chinese-medium schools nationwide. They, too, have the right to protection and support.
Their choice of education does not diminish their Bumiputera identity or rights. Do not think that just because they are in a Chinese-medium school, they are any less Bumiputera.
"If Bumiputera institutions like UiTM receive RM 2 billion, Islamic religious schools (sekolah agama and tahfiz) under syiar Islam receive RM 2.6 billion, and MARA receives RM 2 billion annually, then what about the 150,000 Bumiputera students within the Chinese education system? Why are they, who are equally Bumiputera, treated differently?"
Therefore, any attack, restrictive policy, unfair allocation, or discriminatory measure against Chinese schools, institutions, or the system also harms the Bumiputera students within that system.
Furthermore, these are not ordinary Bumiputera students.
They are trilingual, globally competitive Bumiputera who excel academically, possess high discipline, strong moral character, and are masters of multiple languages.
This growing diversity in Chinese vernacular schools not only helps sustain enrolment in smaller institutions but also promotes genuine racial harmony, proving that Malaysia's education system can bridge ethnic divides through shared learning experiences.
Monday, 15 December 2025
After 68 years, why are Malays still poor, far behind others in socio-economic progress?
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After 68 years, why are Malays still poor, far behind others in socio-economic progress?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g3H6IH9XhJM (ANWAR SAID NO TO UEC)
40.2k subscribers
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AiprIzT_2fk (Anwar & Sabah 2025: Was Leadership a Factor? / Anwar & PRN Sabah: Adakah Kepimpinan menjadi Faktor?)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EKM6yOxg-rs (Lim Guan Eng Speaks Out (Lim Guan Eng bersuara)
Mariam Mokhtar Admrl-Gen (rebuildingmalaysia)
199k subscribers
76,848 views 7 Dec 2025
Lim Guan Eng Breaks the Silence: Why Sabah Voters Turned on PH And about time too to finally say something. Why did it take a defeat in Sabah to finally voice out what we have articulated the past three years, since MadaniMan emerged, whilst DAP maintains its silence?
https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1A7VkohGiT/?mibextid=wwXIfr (Ibrahim Ali)
KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 15, 2025: The World Bank Report 2023 showed that Malaysian Chinese labour productivity was more than double the national average, and their Gross Domestic Product (GDP) contribution was far higher than their share of the population.
Meanwhile, Malays make up 69% of the country’s population,
but their productivity is below 40% of the national average.
Are your surprise? The scores and scores or racial religious bigots spend time trying to tell the rakyat (Malaysians) what they cannot eat, drink and wear.
Very productive indeed!
And Malaysia’s 10th Prime Minister (PMX) Anwar Ibrahim has acknowledged, “the majority of Malays are still poor”.
After dominating up to 90% of the Government administration since Merdeka (Independence) 1957 or 68 years, the Malays are still poor? Why?
Please, blame the Malay leaders NOT others.
Also, the reality will not change if families continue to have more children than they can reasonably afford. When parents are forced to struggle just to make ends meet, what quality of life can their children realistically expect? Poverty, more often than not, is then passed down rather than broken.
A Muslim man can marry four wives and the Government provides RM800 subsidy for each child! Very sustainable indeed for the Government!
This one of the many policies that promote the tongkat (crutches) dependence mentality! And they are demanding more and more from the Government!
The aim of the subsidy is to have more Malays and thus maintain political dominance, not for quality, competent and talented human capital.
Former Law Minister Zaid Ibrahim wrote: “Dear Fadzlina, We will not have the best education because the government does not know what it wants out of education. It's not your fault alone. The religious bureaucrats are in control of our education system, not proper educationists.”
A diagnose of why Malay socio-economic progress remains limited despite decades of political dominance, revealed that the education system design was to blame.
Malaysia’s education system has been deliberately shaped to:
1. Lower standards in the name of access
2. Prioritise compliance over competence
3. Produce credentialed but under-skilled graduates
4. Channel Malays into protected sectors rather than competitive ones
And, surprise, surprise! Even the infamous racial and religious bigoted Ibrahim Ali from Kelantan is singing a different tune now - blaming Malays for electing incompetent and corrupt leaders.
He urged voters to elect wise and sincere Malay leaders who care for the rakyat dan negara (people and country), particularly Malays.
No News Is Bad News reproduces below a slew of articles detailing the above arguments:
拿督吴标生博士 Dato' Dr. Ngu Piew Seng ·
Ngu Piew Seng: UEC Recognized by GPS Long Ago, Akmal Stop Causing Trouble!
(Sibu, 11th Dec) – Responding to the repeated extreme remarks by UMNO Youth Chief Datuk Mohamad Akmal, who refused to recognize the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC), The Federation of Chinese Associations Sri Aman and Betong Divisions President and Sri Aman Chinese Chamber of Commerce President, Datuk Dr. Ngu Piew Seng, today strongly refuted, stating that Akmal’s statements represent only his personal views and the narrow political stance of UMNO Youth. They absolutely do not represent the entire Barisan Nasional (BN), nor the shared interests of Malaysia’s multi-ethnic society.
Akmal claimed that UEC is “not in line with national education policy.” Ngu Piew Seng fired back sharply, saying Akmal’s remarks are not only absurd but also politically calculated, aiming to muddy the waters during the government’s initial consultations and obstruct the national reform agenda.
Ngu pointed out that the Prime Minister and relevant ministers are conducting preliminary discussions on recognizing UEC—a normal consultation process for national education development. Yet Akmal rushed out with fear-mongering statements, whose real purpose is political: “Using false issues to stir emotions, using emotions to block reform.”
Ngu Piew Seng went on to refute point by point:
* During the 2018 General Election, then BN Chairman Najib included the recognition of UEC in BN’s official election manifesto. This was not a rumor—it was written in black and white.“Najib made a commitment. And today you, Akmal, are denying it? Are you denying BN, or your own party’s history?”
* During the Pakatan era, PAS released the “Orange Book,” which promised recognition of UEC, personally signed by its President Hadi Awang.“If UEC does not comply with national education policy, then Hadi Awang doesn’t understand? Or are you, Akmal, claiming to know policy better than all your predecessors?”
Ngu emphasized that today’s Unity Government is not a single alliance but a coalition of multiple parties, including the Sarawak political alliance GPS. The Sarawak government recognized UEC a decade ago—back in 2014.“GPS recognized UEC ten years ago, and Sarawak universities also opened admissions to UEC graduates. Is this what you call ‘not complying with policy’? Does Sarawak not belong to Malaysia? Or are you daring to say the Sarawak government was wrong back then?”
Ngu sharply noted that this once again proves: Akmal does not represent the Unity Government, nor BN. He only represents his own extreme, outdated, anti-reform agenda.
He further emphasized that UEC is recognized by more than a thousand top international universities worldwide, including in the UK, USA, Australia, and Japan.“A qualification recognized by world-class universities, yet you, a politician, want to sacrifice it to please extreme voters? This is not a policy issue—it’s a matter of character.”
Ngu strongly stressed: “Akmal’s statements only reflect the extreme political ecosystem of that corner of UMNO Youth. They do not represent BN, the GPS coalition partners of the Unity Government, or Malaysia as a whole.”
He emphasized that most members of BN and the Unity Government choose a rational, diverse, and constructive path—not Akmal’s “anti-diversity, anti-reform, anti-progress” route.
“Akmal, if you continue to stir ethnic fear, spread lies, and sabotage reforms just to boost your visibility, you are not defending the country—you are pushing yourself toward the historical volcano. Malaysia’s march forward will crush politicians who contribute nothing but chaos into volcanic ash.
I also call on voters nationwide: in the next General Election, unequivocally reject all extreme politicians who exploit racial and religious emotions—including you, Akmal. The country’s future should no longer be held hostage by this political toxin.”
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You may not have realized that Malaysia’s real fatal weakness isn’t the economy, not resources, not international standing — but its population structure.
A country’s future ceiling is not determined by GDP, but by the structure of its people.
And Malaysia’s structure is locking itself in.
Here comes the most crucial point.
Do you think Malaysia’s problem is the government? No.
Do you think the problem is the loss of foreign investment? No.
Do you think it’s simply another layer of weakness? No.
Economists consistently point to one fundamental reason Malaysia is stuck:
the population structure has reached its limit.
Three groups, three lifestyles, three development speeds, three power systems.
The result is that the country’s overall pace is dragged down by the slowest group.
This is not discrimination — it’s data.
A World Bank report in 2023 showed that Malaysian Chinese labour productivity
was more than double the national average,
and their GDP contribution was far higher than their share of the population.
Meanwhile, Malays make up 69% of the country’s population, but their productivity is below 40% of the national average.
This is a structural issue, not an emotional one.
You can dislike the conclusion, but you can’t deny the numbers.
For a country to progress, it needs a high-productivity group to drive development.
But Malaysia’s structure is one where the high-contributing group keeps shrinking, and the low-contributing group keeps expanding.
What do you think will happen next?
The data shows that in the past decade, the Chinese population in Malaysia dropped from 24% to 21%, and now may drop to 19%.
They have the lowest birth rate, the highest emigration rate,
and for 15 straight years the highest talent outflow in Southeast Asia.
What does this mean?
It means Malaysia’s economic engine is being pulled out.
You don’t have to like this fact — but you can’t refute it.
Malaysia loses more than 60,000 skilled Chinese workers a year.
Most high-education emigrants end up in Singapore.
Across the Johor–Singapore Causeway, Singapore can pull away Malaysia’s talent.
Australia, the UK, and Canada pull them away too.
This isn’t just “brain drain” — this is people directly changing citizenship.
How can the country advance?
Who will push industry upgrades?
Who will support the future tax base?
Who will fill the fiscal black hole?
You may think I’m being harsh, but even Malaysia’s own Department of Statistics has stated that Malaysia’s population is ageing faster than Japan’s,
the labour force will begin shrinking fully by 2030, and the most productive group — the Chinese — are leaving.
Here comes the real sting:
Malaysia’s long-standing race-based preferential policies push the most capable people overseas and keep those least willing to compete at home.
How can a country prosper like this?
Do you really believe subsidies, privileges, and protective policies
can sustain a modern nation?
There is not a single country in the world that became developed by protecting the weak and suppressing the strong.
None became innovative by letting the largest group determine direction.
None upgraded their industries by protecting low-efficiency groups with special privileges.
Malaysia wants to become another Singapore, but it has become Singapore in reverse.
In Singapore, the most capable people run the country.
In Malaysia, the people who cannot be criticised run the country.
Singapore puts high-ability individuals at the centre.
Malaysia pushes them to the margins.
Singapore keeps attracting more talent.
Malaysia keeps losing talent faster and faster.
Do you think these two countries will end up the same?
Here’s something even more provocative:
Some say Malaysian Chinese complain too much.
But did you know that over 70% of Malaysia’s GDP-critical industries
are supported by Chinese businesses — manufacturing for export, technology, logistics, property, finance — all heavily dependent on Chinese enterprise?
And the most ironic part?
The group contributing the most has no quotas, no resources, no political power, and even their education opportunities are restricted.
And the group with the lowest productivity is the one deciding the nation’s direction.
This is Malaysia’s most deadly economic time bomb:
a structural countdown.
It’s not that Malays are inherently unproductive — it’s that policy conditions them to never need to work hard, never need to compete, never need to innovate, and to stay in the comfort zone permanently.
This is not about race. It’s about the system.
The outcome is the same everywhere:
A group that relies on privilege will never innovate.
A group that is oppressed will never return.
A society without competition will never advance.
Well, scholars from western countries have observed a strange phenomenon in this country that Malays are very unhappy if they earn, say, 60k a year, while others make 70k and would rather have an annual income of 40k as long as the rest of the people earn 30k.
RECEIVED THE ABOVE POST THIS MORNING. THIS IS MY REACTION:
Sad but true.
As PMX himself has acknowledged, “the majority of Malays are still poor.”
That reality will not change if families continue to have more children than they can reasonably afford. When parents are forced to struggle just to make ends meet, what quality of life can their children realistically expect? Poverty, more often than not, is then passed down rather than broken.
I have no intention to be negative towards any race. However, I would urge that they engage in a serious reflection on choices, policy failures and uncomfortable realities and confront them honestly.
Saying this is not about blame, but about concern - for parents trapped by circumstance and for children who deserve a fairer start in life.
It has always been my firm belief that progress begins only when we are willing to speak the hard truth as it is - not as we wish it to be.
There is something else which I wish to say here which I may not be able to in official publications. I wouldn’t want to risk getting ‘invitations’ to visit Bukit Aman again.
No economic policy will ever rescue the Malays from poverty if a fundamental issue continues to be ignored - too many families are having more children than they can support.
Welfare, subsidies and affirmative action cannot compensate for household decisions that perpetuate financial stress generation after generation.
Decades after the first NEP and its successor, the outcome is plain. A small, politically connected Malay elite prospered, while the majority remain poor.
Continuing to avoid this reality - out of fear of offending sensitivities - only guarantees that poverty will persist.
I must thank the writer above for the post, as it has given me the opportunity to share these thoughts today — with sincerity and genuine care for the many Malays who have long been neglected in this country.
If we, the non-Malays, believe that we are the ones who suffer and struggle, we should pause and reflect. There are many Malays who are, in reality, far worse off than us - economically, socially and in terms of opportunity.
This is not a competition of grievances, but a reminder to count our blessings and to recognise that poverty and hardship cut across race.
Empathy, not resentment, is where any meaningful national conversation must begin.
Have a great start to a new week, everyone. God bless one and all. – fs
POLICY MEMORANDUM
Why Malay Stagnation Persists After 40 Years of Control:
The Education System as the Core Structural Failure
Audience: Policymakers, civil servants, educators, Malay fence-sitters
Purpose: Diagnose why Malay socio-economic progress remains limited despite decades of political dominance, with emphasis on education system design.
Executive Summary
After more than four decades of near-total political and institutional control, large segments of the Malay community remain economically vulnerable, indebted, and excluded from high-productivity sectors. This outcome cannot be credibly blamed on minorities, constitutional arrangements, or lack of state power.
The central failure is structural — and it begins with education.
Malaysia’s education system has been deliberately shaped to:
1. Lower standards in the name of access
2. Prioritise compliance over competence
3. Produce credentialed but under-skilled graduates
4. Channel Malays into protected sectors rather than competitive ones
This system benefits political elites and rent-seekers, not ordinary Malays.
It produces dropouts, underemployed graduates, and permanent dependency — while being defended through racial rhetoric to prevent scrutiny.
1. The Power–Outcome Paradox
Fact pattern:
• Malays dominate the executive, legislature, bureaucracy, security forces, and education policy
• Affirmative action has been continuous since the 1970s
• Public universities, teacher training, curriculum design, and funding allocation are state-controlled
Observed outcome:
• Malay wages lag productivity growth
• Graduate underemployment is widespread
• Household debt is high
• Skills mismatch persists
• Employers increasingly bypass local graduates
This is not a power deficit.
It is an outcome deficit.
2. Education as a Political Instrument, Not a Human Capital System
Education policy has not been designed to maximise Malay capability.
It has been designed to maximise political stability.
Key distortions:
a) Standards Suppression
• Curriculum simplified to maintain pass rates
• Examination thresholds repeatedly lowered
• Failure rebranded as “inclusivity”
Result:
Students advance without mastery, creating a false sense of progress.
b) Language Policy Without Functional Bilingualism
Policy oscillates between:
• Ideological rejection of English
• Cosmetic reintroduction without serious teacher capacity
Result:
Students are weak in English and lack high-level Malay academic proficiency, making them globally uncompetitive and locally replaceable.
c) University Expansion Without Quality Control
Public and private institutions expanded rapidly to absorb cohorts, not to ensure:
• Rigorous assessment
• Industry alignment
• Research capability
• Employability outcomes
Result:
Degree inflation without skill accumulation.
Graduates emerge:
• Credentialed
• Politically affirmed
• Economically fragile
3. The Two-End Trap: Dropouts or Underemployed Graduates
The system consistently produces two losing outcomes:
Group 1: Early Dropouts
• Weak foundational literacy and numeracy
• Poor engagement due to low expectations
• Channelled into low-skill, low-wage work
Group 2: “Employable” Graduates (On Paper)
• Degrees with minimal market value
• Reliance on public sector or GLC absorption
• Disillusionment when jobs do not match qualifications
Both groups remain:
• Politically dependent
• Economically insecure
• Vulnerable to racial fear narratives
4. Why Elites Prefer This Outcome
A genuinely educated Malay population would demand:
• Performance
• Accountability
• Transparent governance
• Evidence-based policy
This threatens:
• Rent-seeking networks
• Political patronage
• Race-based legitimacy
An under-skilled majority, however:
• Relies on protection instead of competence
• Accepts symbolic dominance in place of material progress
• Is easily mobilised through fear of “others”
By Zaid Ibrahim
Good Education and Fadzlina
The Education Minister and her Higher Education colleague received almost 100 billion in the latest budget. No wonder Fadzlina was smiling. She quickly promised the best education system in the country.
Dear Fadzlina, We will not have the best education because the government does not know what it wants out of education. It's not your fault alone. The religious bureaucrats are in control of our education system, not proper educationists
We used to have a top-class education during our early years when we had little money. Singapore, after separation, took our best teachers and students. That's how good we were
It's now gone, and no matter how much money we have, we can no longer change the characteristics of our schools.
New Zealand and Britain are known for their quality education, yet the Education Ministry never received the biggest allocation, which goes to public health and social welfare services.
The Big money Fadzlina will receive will get her more schools and facilities but not better education. She can't undo the deep Islamisation of our education system
Religious education is the problem but is the main attraction for Malays. Our national schools have become religious schools, with more religious classes than maths and science.
On top of that, we also have many types of religious schools. Schools should be centres of excellence in producing good students and not become religious centres to produce pious people
No one controls religious schools because religion is shared between states and federal governments. The religious bureaucracy calls the shot. Educationists of a different kind determine our education system
Money can't solve the problems of hundreds of thousands of students in religious schools (federal, state, public-funded, public-assist, and privately funded schools) because no one authority is responsible. What about Tahfiz schools? Who monitors them? Will they get good jobs later?
Days before unleashing the biggest education budget, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia prohibited staff from criticising government policies. That's not a sign that we offer a good education.
All the state governments have declared Ikhwan Holdings as deviant. How could a company with no soul be guilty of having the wrong kind of akidah or faith? It's bizarre. This is the product of poor education.
Supporters of a religious party believe that the passport to heaven is the membership of that party. That's not the outcome of a sound education system
Efforts to define acceptable Muslims who are not deviants have strained the resources of many religious departments. Selangor just admitted they are challenged to deal with 42 or more deviant groups.
A government that is unwilling to recognise the many diverse sects of Muslim believers such as Sunnis Shiias. Salafists, Hanabalis, Khawarij, etc., are the product of poor education.
A government that does not allow freedom of conscience will have to arrest more and more deviants, which means they have to spend more resources to search for them. This quest for religious purity will never end, but they will never stop.
That's another example of what poor education can do.
Zaid Ibrahim
Gram Grahman
Fxxxxx the religious bigots for destroying our lovely country called Malaysia . The pearl of the oriental land.
Nobody is strong enough to bring it back.
Ramesh Rajaratnam
When I lamented that I have lost hope for Malaysia, my dear teacher (I still call him Chegu Datuk Ghazali Hassan) sent me the below.
Don't we wish our friendships were like before?
Alas, I still feel we have lost that touch.
Below is a faithful, full English translation of the text by one - Engku Nasrun’s original Malay reflection posted a message on Facebook, listing 12 heartfelt reflections from non-Malays.
Within a short time, the post went viral, being shared nearly 50,000 times.
This moderate, considerate, and courageous Malay brother, Engku Nasrun, cited example after example of the tolerance, respect, and restraint shown by other ethnic groups toward Malays, and questioned rally participants:
“Exactly where are we being threatened?
Must we quarrel over every little thing?
Why must we be so extremely racist?”
1.
Non-Malays and non-Muslims wake up every morning to the sound of our dawn prayers.
Have they ever reacted angrily or caused trouble because of it?
If churches were to install loudspeakers so everyone could hear Christian sermons every Sunday, what would happen?
Jihad!
2.
Every Friday, we are the most “powerful” — cars belonging to worshippers line the roads near mosques, causing traffic congestion.
Non-Muslims can only accept it.
3.
When we buy houses, we enjoy bumiputera discounts.
But non-bumiputera are also Malaysians — do they get discounts when buying homes?
Is this Malay privilege,
or racial segregation (apartheid)?
4.
Outstanding non-Muslim, non-bumiputera students struggle desperately to enter universities — some even pawn belongings or borrow from loan sharks just to pay university or private college fees.
But for us Malays, it’s fine — we have UiTM and MARA colleges.
Remember, non-Muslims are also Malaysian citizens.
And after they graduate, we also benefit from the taxes they pay.
5.
Many non-Malay, non-bumiputera parents send their children to private colleges or overseas to study. As a result, these children gain broader exposure and knowledge.
When they return, they work hard and get promoted faster.
Yet at this point, many Malays complain that they are being marginalized, shouting that it is unfair and blaming the government for not helping Malays.
6.
Back in school days, if we spoke English even a little, some people mocked us, calling us “Westernized” — as if it were wrong.
Who were the ones mocking us?
The very same group that now claims their dignity has been insulted.
7.
We have been independent for 58 years.
Chinese, Indian, Malay, and other ethnic groups have lived together for decades.
Yet now in the 21st century, some among us still know nothing about other cultures.
If we want others to respect us, we must first respect them.
8.
We do not care about other people’s cultures, yet we expect others to follow and understand ours.
How can that be right?
Those who are culturally insensitive are actually us.
9.
Other ethnic groups are afraid to joke about anything related to Malays, worried they might offend us or cause dissatisfaction.
Ironically, we are the ones who often claim to be “offended” for no reason.
10.
We constantly emphasize “purity,” insisting that food must be sacred — even placing “Halal Only” stickers on office refrigerators.
Yet look at how Indian friends are perfectly fine seeing us eat beef in front of them.
But if someone eats pork in front of us, we feel disgusted.
Yes, pork is forbidden for us to eat — but is it really necessary to react as if merely seeing it makes us nauseous or want to vomit?
We can look at human private parts without feeling disgusted — isn’t that also forbidden?
11.
If a church is built near a Malay residential area, we say the cross makes us uncomfortable and threatens our faith.
So the church has to give in and remove the cross — how pitiful.
But if we build a mosque in a non-Muslim area and someone protests, we would immediately talk about jihad.
We behave like spoiled, overindulged children — it’s truly embarrassing.
⸻
12.
Quarreling at every turn, shouting jihad at every turn — why must we be so racist?
Look at our leaders:
• Yang di-Pertuan Agong: Malay
• Sultans: Malay
• Prime Minister: Malay
• Deputy Prime Minister: Malay
• Inspector-General of Police: Malay
• Armed Forces Commander: Malay
So tell me — what exactly is being threatened?
Countless netizens from all ethnic backgrounds expressed agreement with Engku Nasrun’s gentle and sincere views, thanking him for voicing the sentiments of non-Malays.
A Malay netizen commented:
“To those Malays who hate other races — wake up.
When Allah brought us into this world, He taught us to respect others.
Imagine if you were a Chinese Malaysian raised here — can you imagine their lives?”
Regarding the “916 Malay Dignity Rally”, organizers repeatedly emphasized defending Malay dignity and Islam, and vowed to act against those who insult Malays and Islam.
However, within the Malay community itself, another voice emerged — questioning what threat Malays are actually facing.
Even UMNO veteran Tengku Razaleigh criticized these Malays for forgetting the contributions of other races to the nation’s development.
“This is only my view. This is my space.” Engku Nasrun…
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