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Only racist morons are threatened by an education certificate
KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 14, 2025: Amid the fiery debate on the calls for the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC), can anyone explain how the UEC threatens Bahasa Malaysia and national security?
No News Is Bad News will gladly accept any sane and rational support that an examination certificate is a threat to Bahasa Malaysia and national security.
As it is, those who condemn the UEC recognition are simply racist morons with a political leverage agenda that care a damn for national unity and harmony.
Whatever happened to respect for the Federal Constitution that guarantees freedom of speech and expression - and education?
No News Is Bad News reproduces below a slew of articles on the ongoing fiery debate on the recognition of the UEC:
Time to Recognise UEC: It’s Malaysian, Multiracial, and Constitutional
13 December, 2025
Opponent: “UEC is against the Constitution!”
You: Non-recognition of UEC actually violates Article 12 of the Federal Constitution, which guarantees every citizen the right to education without discrimination based on religion, race, descent, or place of birth. Blocking qualified UEC holders from public universities and opportunities is discriminatory.
Opponent: “UEC violates Article 152 – it threatens Bahasa Melayu!”
You: Article 152 declares Bahasa Melayu the national language for official purposes only, but Clause (1)(a) explicitly protects the right to use, teach, and learn other languages outside official use. If UEC were unconstitutional, how has Sarawak recognised it since 2014 (for civil service, scholarships, and state universities) , Selangor since 2015 and Sabah since 2019 (with state scholarships and entry into state institutions) without any constitutional dispute or court challenge? The same article critics quote actually safeguards UEC.
Opponent: “UEC violates the Education Act 1996!”
You: UEC was introduced in 1975 — 21 years before the Education Act 1996 even existed. The Act regulates the national system but allows independent private schools like UEC ones to operate with their own curriculum.
Opponent: “UEC violates the National Language Act 1963/67!”
You: The National Language Act reinforces Bahasa Melayu for official purposes only. It does not prohibit other languages in private education. The Constitution is the supreme law, and its protections under Article 152 prevail.
Opponent: “UEC undermines Bahasa Melayu!”
You: UEC strengthens it. Bahasa Melayu is a compulsory subject and exam in UEC schools (Junior and Senior levels). Recognising states like Sarawak and Sabah often require a credit in SPM Bahasa Melayu for UEC holders to access benefits — creating real incentives for mastery.
Opponent (mocking): You: “Duduk Malaysia, sekolah Malaysia, kerja Malaysia, tiba-tiba nak ambil exam sekolah Taiwan/China – bodoh apa ni?”
You: UEC is 100% Malaysian-made, created in 1975 by Dong Zong for Malaysia’s independent Chinese schools. It has zero origins in China or Taiwan.
“Jerit ‘Hidup Melayu! Hidup Bumiputera!’ tapi UiTM 100% khas Bumiputera — ajar, belajar, exam semua dalam Bahasa Inggeris. Logik mana?
Buat MRSM, MARA — 100% Bumiputera tapi syllabus Cambridge, exam dari UK. Pejuang bahasa Melayu ke ni?”
Opponent: “UEC is racial and divisive!”
You: UEC and Chinese schools are now the most multiracial in Malaysia:
· Nationwide, non-Chinese enrolment in Chinese primary schools (SJKC): ~23% and rising (mostly Malay students).
· In Sabah: Some Chinese schools have over 70% non-Chinese (Kadazan-Dusun, Bajau, even majority or all-Malay Year 1 intakes).
· In Sarawak: 38% Bumiputera enrolment in Chinese schools.
Rejecting UEC no longer affects just one community — it’s a Malaysian issue impacting Malays, Bumiputera (Iban, Bidayuh, Kadazan, Dayak), Indians, and all in the vernacular system. The real division is denying equal opportunity to these multiracial graduates.
Opponent: “UEC opposes the National Education Policy!”
You: The National Education Policy aims to unite our multiracial society, produce knowledgeable and skilled citizens, and develop a skilled workforce for national progress. UEC exceeds this: more inclusive and multiracial than many mono-ethnic religious schools, tahfiz, and MARA. It produces trilingual graduates (proficient in Bahasa Melayu, English, Mandarin) who are globally competitive — perfect for national development and unity through diversity. Rejecting UEC means rejecting high-quality talent from all races.
Opponent: “UEC is just DAP’s fight!”
You: Completely wrong. UEC recognition has cross-party and cross-state support:
· PAS supported it in the 2013 Pakatan Rakyat common policy; 3 PAS excos recognised UEC in Selangor in 2015 while in government; PAS’s non-Muslim wing openly backed it.
· Bersatu/PH included it in the 2018 manifesto.
· BN promised recognition in the GE14 (2018) manifesto.
· GPS Sarawak has recognised it since 2014–2015.
· Warisan (Shafie Apdal) recognised it in 2019.
GRS Sabah (Hajiji Noor) fully recognised it in 2025 with scholarships and st
This is a national issue, not one party or one race.
Opponent: “Bring the UEC issue to court to prove it’s aligned with the Constitution!”
You: Why don’t opponents challenge Selangor , Sabah and Sarawak’s recognition in court if it’s truly unconstitutional? Or sue to abolish UEC entirely? Logic says: recognise first, then challenge if needed. Demanding a court case to force recognition reverses the burden of proof.
Opponent: “Sarawak , Selangor and Sabah recognise UEC only for state matters. It proves nothing on constitutionality!”
You: The Federal Constitution is the supreme law — any act conflicting with it is void (Article 4). Sabah and Sarawak recognise UEC under the same Constitution. If it’s constitutional at the state level (civil service, universities, scholarships), it must be at the federal level too. Federal non-recognition looks like selective discrimination.
The Federal Constitution is supreme. If a state’s recognition of UEC for its civil service and scholarships were unconstitutional, it would have been challenged and voided—just as the Court did with Kelantan’s sharia laws. The fact that Sarawak, Selangor, and Sabah’s policies stand unchallenged proves their constitutional basis.
Opponent: “We must prioritise and master Bahasa Melayu first!”
You: The national education system you’re defending has failed spectacularly on this front—over 400,000 students across primary and secondary levels still haven’t mastered basic 3M (reading, writing, counting) skills, including in Bahasa Melayu, as revealed by the Education Minister in Parliament (2024 figures). What “martabatkan Bahasa Melayu” are you talking about when your system leaves hundreds of thousands unable to read or write properly in the national language? In contrast, UEC schools have no such widespread literacy crises—Bahasa Melayu is compulsory, well-taught, and examined rigorously. Recognising UEC would actually elevate standards, not undermine them.
Opponent: “We need to prioritise a single national examination system!”
You: It was the national education system itself that abolished UPSR (in 2021) and PT3 (fully in 2022), moving away from centralised exams to school-based assessments. Yet now you demand a “single national exam” for unity? If the government decided those exams were outdated and stressful, why block UEC—an established, high-standard examination that’s produced trilingual talents for decades?
Opponent: “As PM Anwar says, mastery of Bahasa Melayu must come first before UEC recognition!”
You: With respect to the Prime Minister: First, fix the national school’s crisis where over 400,000 students can’t master basic reading, writing, and counting in Bahasa Melayu—despite it being the medium of instruction. UEC schools don’t have this problem.
Second, UEC is an examination certificate, not a language. It’s a qualification proving academic achievement across subjects, including compulsory Bahasa Melayu (where students must pass). Recognising it doesn’t diminish Bahasa Melayu—it rewards students who already master it alongside English and Mandarin, making them more competitive for Malaysia’s future.
Opponent: “PM Anwar says calls for UEC recognition must take into account that Bahasa Melayu is the national language!”
You: Back in July 2018, the same Anwar Ibrahim explicitly assured the nation that recognising UEC would not threaten or undermine the importance of Bahasa Melayu as the national language. He said Chinese education leaders agreed Bahasa Melayu would not be sidelined, and mastery of it remains essential in any system.
Opponent : “If we already have SPM, why do we need UEC?
You: By the same logic, if we already have STPM, why do we also have Matriculation and Asasi?”
Opponent: You can still master Mandarin without need to recognised UEC
You: You can still master Malay language without needing to deny recognition to UEC - The Coverage
The Unified Examination Certificate (UEC): Protected by the Constitution – Does Not Undermine Bahasa Melayu
13 December, 2025
Non-recognition also violates Article 12 of the Constitution, which guarantees education without discrimination on grounds of religion, race, or descent, while limiting Malaysia’s potential for a truly trilingual, globally competitive society.
UEC is Protected by Article 152 of the Federal Constitution
Article 152 establishes Bahasa Melayu as the national language for official purposes, but it explicitly protects the right to use, learn, and teach other languages.
Clause (1)(a) states no one shall be prohibited from using (except for official purposes), teaching, or learning any other language.
Independent Chinese secondary schools, which offer UEC, use Mandarin as the medium of instruction in private settings.
This is permitted, as Article 152 does not ban non-official use of other languages in education.
The Federal Court has upheld the constitutionality of vernacular education (Chinese and Tamil streams).
Critics often quote only the part declaring Bahasa Melayu as the national language, omitting the protective clause. The same Article 152 used to oppose UEC actually safeguards it.
If UEC were truly unconstitutional, how could states like Sarawak and Sabah legally recognize it?
From Sarawak to Sabah: States Recognise UEC Without Issue – Time for Federal Malaysia to Follow
Sarawak has recognised UEC since around 2014–2015 for state university entry and public service without any constitutional conflict.
Sabah followed suit in 2019 (formal recognition in 2025, including scholarships), and Selangor recognised it for state university entry under former Menteri Besar Azmin Ali in 2015.
These state-level recognitions demonstrate that UEC aligns with constitutional protections for language rights in education, and no court has ruled otherwise.
Claims of unconstitutionality are more about political resistance than legal reality.
The National Language Act 1963/67 reinforces Bahasa Melayu for official use but does not prohibit other languages in private education. As the Constitution is the supreme law, its protections prevail.
UEC Does Not Undermine Bahasa Melayu – It Strengthens It Through Mastery Requirements
UEC Does Not Undermine Bahasa Melayu – It Strengthens It and Unites Us
Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has emphasized that mastery of Bahasa Melayu must come first before any UEC recognition, stating there will be “no compromise” on the national language’s importance.
However, UEC does not threaten Bahasa Melayu – it actively incorporates and promotes it. Bahasa Melayu is a compulsory subject and examination in UEC schools:
Junior Middle Three (JM3): Malay Language (among others like Chinese, English, Mathematics).
Senior Middle Three (SM3): Malay Language (National), alongside subjects like English, Mathematics, Sciences, History.
In states like Sarawak and Sabah that recognize UEC, students must achieve at least a credit in Bahasa Melayu (and often a pass in History) at the SPM level to qualify for benefits such as university entry, scholarships, or public service jobs.
This creates a strong incentive for UEC students to master Bahasa Melayu.
Without recognition, there’s less motivation; with it, students are compelled to excel in the national language to meet minimum grading requirements.
How can this undermine Bahasa Melayu when it directly enforces proficiency?
Recognition would indirectly “perkasakan” (strengthen) Bahasa Melayu among UEC students by tying success to high performance in it.
Learning Mandarin – or any language – does not make one less Malay or less Islamic
Language is a tool for communication and knowledge, not tied to race or religion.
Malays have historically been a cosmopolitan “bangsa,” absorbing influences from various cultures, civilizations, languages, and faiths – from Indian, Arab, Chinese, and European traders during the Malacca Sultanate era to modern global exchanges.
This adaptability has enriched Malay identity, not diminished it.
Even in predominantly Muslim countries, Mandarin is taught in schools without compromising cultural or religious values.
For instance:
Saudi Arabia: Introduced mandatory Chinese language classes in secondary schools starting in 2023, with 175 teachers invited to teach in public and private institutions.
United Arab Emirates (UAE): The first Arab country to integrate Mandarin into school curricula in 2018, now in over 100 schools.
Iran: Has incorporated Chinese lessons in schools as ties with China grow.
Tunisia: Included Mandarin in public education systems alongside other Arab nations.
Egypt: Offers Chinese in schools, reflecting regional Mandarin learning boom.
Similar initiatives exist in Pakistan and Afghanistan, where Mandarin is increasingly taught to foster economic and cultural links with China.
A Malaysian Creation, Not Foreign
UEC is Malaysian-Made and Multiracial: A True Model of Perpaduan We Should Be Proud Of
UEC was introduced in 1975 by the United Chinese School Committees’ Association of Malaysia (Dong Zong) – long before the Education Act 1996.
It is a homegrown qualification tailored for Malaysia’s independent Chinese schools, not originating from China or Taiwan.
Comparisons Highlight Inconsistencies
UiTM (Universiti Teknologi MARA), reserved almost entirely for Bumiputera students, uses English as the primary medium of instruction across most programmes.
MARA colleges offer Cambridge IGCSE and A-Level programmes (fully in English).
Malaysia recognizes international qualifications like Cambridge O-Level, A-Level, and GCSE (all in English) for public university entry.
Sarawak has incorporated Cambridge-standard assessments for primary students.
If English-medium qualifications are accepted without undermining Bahasa Melayu, why the opposition to UEC – which includes compulsory Bahasa Melayu in its syllabus and exams?
UEC Schools: Increasingly Multiracial and a Model of Unity
Chinese Schools: More Diverse Than Ever – Recognising UEC Benefits All Malaysians, Not Just One Race
Chinese primary schools (SJKC) have seen non-Chinese enrolment rise to around 20% nationally in recent years, driven largely by Malay parents seeking quality education, discipline, and multilingual skills.
In Sabah, some SJKCs have over 70% non-Chinese students (including Kadazan-Dusun and Bajau). Examples include schools with majority or even all-Malay Year One intakes.
About 23% of UEC students are non-Chinese, including Malays and Bumiputera.
Prominent figures like Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat’s and Haji Abdul Hadi Awang’s grandchildren, as well as children of UMNO Asyraf Wajdi , have attended Chinese schools.
In Sarawak, 38% of Bumiputera enroll in Chinese schools.
These schools are now more diverse than many national schools, bringing together Malays, Chinese, Indians, Ibans, Bidayuhs, and Kadazan in a multilingual environment – truly reflecting Malaysia’s perpaduan (unity).
Rejecting or failing to recognise UEC is no longer just about rejecting one community; it is no longer an exclusively Chinese affair. It has become a Malaysian affair, affecting an increasingly diverse group of Malays, Bumiputera (including Iban, Bidayuh, Kadazan, and Dayak), Indians, and all Malaysians enrolled in the vernacular education system.
Furthermore, the UEC system promotes proficiency in Bahasa Melayu, Mandarin, and English, fostering a trilingual society that equips students with global competitive advantages and ultimately benefits the country’s economic and cultural growth.
This aligns with Article 12 of the Federal Constitution, which protects the right of every citizen to receive education and ensures no discrimination based on religion, race, descent, or place of birth.
Yet, federal non-recognition for public universities limits opportunities for all Malaysians – not just Chinese, but the growing number of Bumiputera in these streams.
Global Recognition vs. Local Rejection
When the World Trusts UEC for Top Universities, Why Does Malaysia Hold Back Its Own Talent?
Over 300 private institutions in Malaysia and more than 1,000 universities worldwide (including top ones in Australia, UK, US, Canada, Singapore) accept UEC.
Ninety-nine of the top 100 universities per QS World University Rankings 2026 recognize it for its rigour. It is a point of national pride that a Malaysian qualification is valued globally.
Furthermore, if a foreign-earned degree is considered valid and of high quality – and accepted by Malaysian public universities for postgraduate entry – then why is the very qualification (UEC) that opened the door to that degree still not recognised at home?
Many UEC holders pursue bachelor’s degrees at prestigious overseas universities (e.g., in Australia, UK, US, Canada, Singapore) that accept UEC directly.
Upon graduation, these foreign degrees are recognised by Malaysian public universities and the Malaysian Qualifications Agency (MQA), allowing holders to enrol in master’s or PhD programmes locally.
Yet, the foundational UEC that enabled entry into those recognised international universities remains barred for direct undergraduate access in public institutions.
When world-class universities recognise UEC without hesitation, yet our own country still wavers, it sends a message that Malaysia is holding back its own talented students and limiting equal opportunities.
UEC Aligns with the National Education Policy (Dasar Pendidikan Kebangsaan)
UEC Aligns with Our Constitution and National Education Goals – It’s Time to Recognise Reality
The Dasar Pendidikan Kebangsaan aims to provide quality and equitable education for all, focusing on human capital development and national aspirations.
It seeks to produce skilled workers, foster racial unity (perpaduan kaum), and improve the people’s living standards.
Recognising UEC aligns perfectly with these goals: it promotes access to quality multilingual education, maximises the potential of Malaysian talent and produces a more competitive and globally-ready workforce
UEC is not against the Constitution – it is protected by it, as proven by state recognitions without legal issues. It does not undermine Bahasa Melayu – conditional recognition enhances mastery.
This is no longer a single-race issue; it affects multiracial Malaysians seeking quality, inclusive education.
Recognising UEC aligns with constitutional rights, promotes unity through diversity, and equips our youth for a global future.
It’s time to move beyond misconceptions and embrace it as a strength for Malaysia. - The Coverage
Explained: The debate on UEC recognition
The UEC has international recognition but is not valid for entry to Malaysian universities and civil service jobs, sparking decades of political debate over education and national identity.
The certificate has long been a political hot potato, with the opposition and government repeatedly clashing over its status. (Bernama pic)
PETALING JAYA: The debate over the Unified Examination Certificate of independent Chinese-medium schools has been reignited after DAP deputy chairman Nga Kor Ming announced plans to push for its recognition, drawing criticism from Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh.
The certificate has long been a political hot potato, with the opposition and government repeatedly clashing over its status.
FMT takes a closer look at the arguments on both sides and why the issue continues to spark controversy.
What is the UEC?
The UEC is the school-leaving certificate for students attending Chinese independent schools and is academically equivalent to the national Sijil Tinggi Persekolahan Malaysia or international A-levels.
It was created by the United Chinese School Committees’ Association of Malaysia (Dong Zong) to provide a unified examination after these schools opted out of the national curriculum in 1961 to maintain Chinese-medium instruction.
Before the UEC, these schools had no standardised examinations to evaluate graduates’ academic qualifications.
Today, the UEC is internationally accepted by more than 1,000 universities as an entrance qualification; among them are private institutions in Malaysia, as well as universities in Singapore, Taiwan and China. It is also accepted in Sarawak, the only Malaysian state where it is accepted for entrance to state-run universities and the state civil service.
However, it is not accepted for entry into most Malaysian public universities or the federal civil service. This restriction is the core issue fuelling the ongoing controversy.
Moves to recognise the UEC
Pakatan Harapan’s 2018 general election manifesto promised UEC recognition, allowing holders access to public universities without equivalence barriers, on the condition that applicants obtained at least a credit in Bahasa Melayu in the Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia.
When in government, PH formed a task force to gather views. It was led by sociologist Eddin Khoo and included the Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement ‘s then president Raimi Abdul Rahim and then Dong Zong deputy president Tan Yew Sing.
The effort stalled after a change of government in 2020, even though the task force had completed a report. Then education minister Radzi Jidin said no report was submitted, and the task force was dissolved on Feb 29 that year.
In 2023, education minister Fadhlina Sidek said the ministry had no plans to recognise the UEC for university entrance, citing the National Education Policy and the Education Act 1996.
The certificate was recognised by Sarawak in 2016 as valid for entry to state civil service positions, state-owned colleges and universities, and eligibility for Yayasan Sarawak education loans.
In 2018, Barisan Nasional made similar pledges when Najib Razak, then BN chairman and prime minister, promised UEC recognition if BN secured a strong mandate and support for BN’s Chinese candidates.
Arguments for recognition
Support for UEC recognition mainly comes from Dong Zong, DAP leaders and MCA, who argue that the certificate is already widely accepted internationally.
Delegates at MCA’s annual assembly in 2016 adopted a resolution calling for the government to expedite UEC recognition for entrance into universities and the civil service.
In 2020, Dong Zong said UEC recognition was a shared understanding across political parties and featured in both PH and BN election manifestos, reflecting a professional consensus. However, efforts have often been undermined by disputes over the national status of Bahasa Melayu, fuelling ethnic tensions and eroding trust.
On Dec 11, Bentong MP Young Syefura Othman of DAP said UEC recognition should be granted provided students obtain credits in BM and History at the SPM level.
She noted that the UEC, like the O-levels and IGCSE, is internationally recognised and accepted by universities such as Oxford, Cambridge, Australian National University, Kyoto University, Caltech and Peking University.
She said high-performing students should not be barred from education pathways recognised both locally and abroad.
In a recent Facebook post, Parti Bangsa Malaysia president Larry Sng suggested that PH could honour its manifesto, despite Umno opposition, by first recognising the UEC in PH-led states (Penang, Negeri Sembilan and Selangor) as a pragmatic first step.
Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has said that while other languages can be promoted, Bahasa Melayu must come first. As it is the national language, Bahasa Melayu must be mastered by all Malaysians and remain the primary language of knowledge, while he acknowledged the importance of English and schools using other mediums of instruction, including Chinese, Tamil and international schools.
“Once its position is clear, then we can discuss other matters, including the UEC,” he added.
Arguments against recognition
In 2018, Umno Youth objected to the PH government’s proposal to recognise the UEC for entry into public universities. Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki, the youth wing leader then, said the move would render Malaysia’s education system “disorderly”, as other qualifications at the same level were already recognised by the government.
He also warned that it could undermine efforts to forge a national identity and promote racial integration.
BN deputy chairman Mohamad Hasan said the government would have no issue with recognising the UEC provided it is conducted in the national language and formulated in line with national aspirations. Unless these criteria are met, the UEC cannot be equated with national qualifications.
PAS deputy youth chief Hafez Sabri urged Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s government to firmly reject the UEC, saying Malaysia’s long-standing national education system underpins unity and development.
What Rafizi actually said about UEC
It was on nation-building through a thorough mastery of Bahasa Melayu and a single national history narrative for all children, and why UEC must recognise these two elements.
In one of my WhatsApp groups, someone shared a screenshot with the title “Rafizi Ramli: Malaysia Must Recognise UEC – Mandarin Will Overtake English as the World’s Global Language.”
After seeing the screenshot, I went straight to Rafizi Ramli’s Yang Berhenti Menteri podcast and listened to his response to questions posed by the two moderators on whether he supports the UEC. Rafizi did not give a direct yes-or-no answer.
Instead, he delivered a lengthy discussion on the future of education, the historical background of Malay and Chinese vernacular schools, and the importance of nation-building through Bahasa Malaysia and the importance of a single national history narrative for our children.
When the question was put to him, Rafizi first emphasised, in no uncertain terms, that Mandarin may become the world’s lingua franca within the next decade. I have no disagreement with him on that point.
He also added that he himself intends to focus on learning the language for his future in business and politics. However, he went further to say that Mandarin would replace English – an assertion I find somewhat incredulous and on which I differ.
Rafizi then clarified that the UEC has become a form of political “dopamine” for political parties, used to create a bogeyman during elections in order to garner votes.
I have made similar observations in my own writings and on my YouTube channel, noting that Chinese-based parties seek easy support from non-Malays, while Umno or PAS appeal to Malay voters by championing Bahasa Melayu and decrying vernacular schools.
As usual, it is likely a few Chinese professors will be showcased to support the Malay position; I predict this will happen soon.
Next, Rafizi explained the historical origins of vernacular schools and the differences between SMJK and SRJK schools, as well as Chinese private schools.
He spent considerable time painstakingly outlining this history and the political realities of managing existing structures while shaping the future for the purpose of nation-building.
The most important point Rafizi made, in my view, was his clear support for nation-building through a thorough mastery of Bahasa Melayu and a single national history narrative for all children, in order to ensure unity and patriotism.
He stated that the UEC must recognise these two elements, and that the federal government must also acknowledge the inevitability of Malaysia becoming a trilingual nation. Only then, he argued, could the issue of UEC recognition be laid to rest.
On this point, I agree with Rafizi completely, and I have said so in both my article and podcast. The UEC is a contentious issue not only because of political parties with vested interests, but also because social media has amplified it into a major point of division in the midst of our efforts to unite the country and promote peaceful coexistence.
Media outlets do the public no service by sensationalising a position that Rafizi clearly did not take, even when repeatedly prompted and pressed by his young moderators. Malaysians should watch the Yang Berhenti Menteri podcast and judge for themselves, rather than reacting hastily or “shooting from the hip”.
While I have significant disagreements with Rafizi and what I see as his “crusade” against his own party, on the matter of the UEC as discussed in the podcast, I am in full agreement with him. His statements were professional, responsible, academic in nature, and well structured. I would readily recommend him for an associate professorship at any academic institution.
To me, the UEC is an important institution. If it can accept the Bahasa Melayu curriculum and a single, rewritten history textbook that honours all communities and their contributions, then the UEC should be allowed to remain and be fully supported.
History and Bahasa Melayu could then become the bridge between our two education streams. That is my position and my hope – so that we can finally put an end to voices like Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh on this matter.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
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