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No News Is Bad News
Umno’s corrupt, disgraced and shameless political icon - jailbird Najib “1MDB” Razak.
Where are your balls Umno?
KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 23, 2025: Where are your balls Umno? Don’t just threaten, just leave the Madani Unity Government (UG)!
With only 26 seats in the 222-seat Parliament, no other coalition wants you as an excess baggage!
Comes the next general election (GE16) due in 2027, Malaysians may just be more united and bury Umno politically, just like they did to MCA and MIC.
The only way for Umno to survive is to eat humble pie, stop its bullying ways and stop shattering national unity and harmony with spewing racial and religious bigotry.
However, that may just be too much for Umno to chew!
No News Is Bad News reproduces below a post by The Coverage on Umno’s empty threats:
UMNO’s Empty Threats: A Pathetic Bluff That’ll Bury Them Deeper – Hand PH the Ultimate Gift – It’s PH’s Ticket to Revival
23 December, 2025
The speculation around UMNO withdrawing from the federal Unity Government has intensified in late 2025, particularly amid tensions over issues like the handling of Najib Razak’s partial pardon and recent court rulings rejecting his bid for house arrest.
While UMNO leaders like Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh have issued strong threats, a full withdrawal remains hypothetical.
The Government? Rock Solid Without UMNO’s Dead Weight
Forget the drama—Anwar’s Madani setup isn’t crumbling if UMNO stomps off in a huff.
Abang Johari’s GPS has zero interest in UMNO’s outdated games; they’ve pledged loyalty to stability till term’s end, chasing MA63 goodies and real development, not peninsular pettiness.
The old notion that GPS would automatically follow BN is outdated.
Sarawak Premier Abang Johari has repeatedly affirmed GPS’s commitment to supporting the Unity Government until the end of its term (expected around 2027-2028).
GRS? They vibe better with Anwar than BN’s has-beens anyway.
GRS has warmer relations with PH/Anwar than with BN.
Recent Sabah state elections saw GRS partnering with PH locally, while BN (UMNO) performed poorly and faced internal crises.
Closer PH-Borneo ties could yield benefits like more Cabinet positions (currently Borneo holds significant ministerial roles) and parliamentary allocations.
UMNO’s departure would free up around 8 full ministerial and 5 deputy ministerial positions currently held by BN/UMNO.
Redistributing these to GPS, GRS, and other Borneo allies would deepen federal representation for Sabah and Sarawak, cementing a progressive Borneo-PH partnership that’s already warmer than anything with UMNO.
This alliance could secure the 56+ East Malaysian seats crucial for a solid majority, making PH-Borneo unbreakable and boosting Madani’s chances in the next GE (expected 2027-2028).
Trending Wall Street Journal : MISC To Pay $220 Million (RM1 Billion) Price For Assets From Mahathir’s Son
Without PH’s support, UMNO’s state governments in Perak and Pahang would collapse instantly, stripping the party of crucial administrative power and resources.
At the federal level, the government would remain intact.
A Strategic Reset for PH: Back to Base and Borneo
Sure, PH might wince short-term—losing some Malay optics after Anwar’s three-year flirtation with UMNO’s toxic “Malay hero” playbook has already alienated core fans. But wake up: An UMNO exit is PH’s golden ticket to redemption.
Freed from this uneasy alliance, Anwar the political chameleon would likely swing back to his core supporters.
What PH desperately lacks right now is Rafizi Ramli’s leadership and the disillusioned progressive voters who’ve abandoned the coalition.
Anwar’s prolonged Malay-centric pandering to appease UMNO has eroded PH’s Reformasi soul, alienating urban multiracial supporters, non-Malays, and moderate Bumiputera.
Staying true to the original Reformasi agenda—anti-corruption, institutional reforms, and inclusivity—is the key to revival.
Rafizi Ramli’s already daring UMNO crybabies to just quit instead of endless whining—spot on, as he’s the missing spark PH needs to reignite.
PH no longer requires UMNO’s crutch to survive or thrive.
UMNO’s constant threats to quit aren’t a weapon—they’re a gift. Ditching this toxic baggage would free Anwar to swing back to PH’s authentic base, delivering long-stalled reforms without UMNO’s veto.
Without UMNO’s baggage, PH unleashes the reforms they’ve been handcuffed on.
An UMNO exit could lure Rafizi Ramli back into the fold to spearhead the fight. With UMNO gone, Anwar could fulfill Rafizi’s reform demands, reigniting PKR’s fire and rallying the lost progressive voters.
Blame every delay on “those UMNO obstructionists”? Easy PR win.
Forge a tighter, more progressive alliance with the Borneo parties, who already share PH’s stance on issues like recognizing the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC).
Reconsolidate its base by fulfilling key, long-stalled reformist demands from figures like Rafizi Ramli and Lim Guan Eng.
Advance its reform agenda—from local council elections to institutional reforms—by blaming past delays on UMNO and delivering once they are gone.
The math is compelling. PH currently holds 79 seats. Even if weakened to, say, 57 seats in GE16, a coalition with the steadfast Borneo Bloc (56 seats) easily crosses the 112-seat simple majority.
This new PH-GPS-GRS axis could govern more cohesively.
Why UMNO Cannot Survive Solo
Electoral Ceiling: Alone, UMNO’s seat count would likely stagnate between 20-35, confined largely to semi-urban Malay heartlands.
It cannot win in non-Malay majority seats nor in Sabah and Sarawak, where anti-Malayan party sentiment is strong.
A Losing Alliance with PN: If UMNO joins Perikatan Nasional (PN), it becomes the junior partner (26 seats) to PAS (43) and Bersatu (31).
This alliance yields no gains in Borneo and cannot defeat DAP in urban seats.
Crucially, it offers UMNO no path to reclaiming its traditional seats now held by Bersatu.
Loss of Protection: An administration no longer needing UMNO’s support would have no reason to shield its leaders.
Zahid Hamidi’s DNAA could be revisited, Tok Mat’s MACC investigation resumed, and firebrands like Akmal Saleh could face legal action for sedition and 3R issues.
Internally? Chaos. Zahid Hamidi’s grip slips; Ismail Sabri and Hishammuddin factions pounce, turning UMNO into a circular firing squad.
And Akmal?
His 3R antics and sedition-baiting rants? Without government cover, he’s toast—maybe even loses his Melaka EXCO gig or faces charges.
The government’s cracking down on race/religion fire-starters; UMNO hardliners like him are first in line.
The Stark Choice for UMNO
The post-GE15 by-elections proved that only in alliance with PH can UMNO defeat Bersatu and reclaim its stolen seats.
A successful partnership could theoretically rebuild UMNO into a 50-70 seat force.
With PN, it remains stuck, also unable to free Najib (as Mahathir and Muhyiddin were his original prosecutors) and doomed to perpetual junior status.
It is past tense that PH needed BN to form the government.
The present reality is that the “Madani” government can survive without UMNO’s 30 seats. The future reality is that UMNO will always need a partner—either PH or PN—to be relevant.
Continuing the current alliance weakens PH’s base, as seen in recent state elections.
Prolonging it only delays UMNO’s inevitable confrontation with a diminished stature.
The gamble of withdrawal is overwhelmingly in PH’s long-term strategic favor.
It would force a necessary reboot for PH and consign UMNO to a future as a perpetual follower, not a leader.
UMNO must wake up to the reality that it is no longer the biggest boss in town; it is a party clinging to survival, whose biggest threat may be its own bluff.
PH Revives, UMNO Wanders, Bersatu Crumbles, PAS Wave Stalls
UMNO quitting isolates them in the political wilderness, forcing a humiliating junior role in PN or irrelevance solo.
Meanwhile, Bersatu’s ongoing internal fractures (leadership feuds, discipline issues) weaken PN further, halting PAS’s so-called “green wave” momentum from recent state polls.
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