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No News Is Bad News
PN collapsing under Taliban-like PAS?
KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 31, 2025: The racist and unpatriotic Muhyiddin “I Am Malay First” Yassin is officially no more the head of Perikatan Nasional (PN) - a coalition comprising the Taliban-like PAS, Bersatu, Gerakan and others) tomorrow.
However, he remains as Bersatu president with his loyal “generals”, led by political pengkhianat (traitor) Azmin Ali, also following their boss to quit as PN leaders.
What does this mean in Malaysian politics?
To multi-racial Malaysians (read as voters) who treasure national unity and harmony, they couldn’t care or less about PN.
But it is Muhyiddin and Bersatu’s political manoeuvre that had yet seen the daylights of the coalition.
No News Is Bad News produces below a Facebook post on the political upheaval in PN:
Excellent as usual Hisham Badrul Hashim Spice . Thanks
Hisham Badrul Hashim Spice
MUHYIDDIN’S QUIET EXIT: WHEN THE GENERAL LEAVES THE BATTLEFIELD AND HANDS OVER THE MAP
THE SOUND OF A DOOR CLOSING—SOFTLY
There was no thunder. No screaming press conference. No flying keris.
Just a door closing with the politeness of a man who knows exactly where the exits are.
When Muhyiddin resigned—effective January 1, 2026—it did not feel like defeat. It felt like choreography. Like a chess piece sliding into place while everyone else was busy arguing about the rules of the game.
Generals followed. Titles evaporated. Secretaries vanished. The tent looked intact, but the poles were quietly removed. And suddenly, Perikatan Nasional was standing—upright, yes—but wobbling like a wardrobe missing its back panel.
THE CHESS MOVE THAT TRAPS THE BISHOP
This was never a rage-quit. This was strategy dressed as resignation.
By stepping aside, Bersatu didn’t abandon PN. It gift-wrapped it—and handed it to PAS. With a bow. And a smile. And absolutely no receipt.
For years, PAS had complained—loudly, consistently, with religious fervour—that PN was “controlled by Bersatu.” That they were merely passengers, not drivers. That the steering wheel was elsewhere.
Now the steering wheel is theirs.
And suddenly, the excuses evaporate like morning mist under harsh daylight.
THE DOG THAT FINALLY CAUGHT THE CAR
PAS has long claimed to have the strongest machinery.
The biggest membership.
The most disciplined grassroots.
The most prepared leaders.
Excellent.
The stage is now empty. The spotlight unforgiving. The microphone live.
There is no more villain named Bersatu to blame.
No more whispered complaints about being sidelined.
No more dreams of sneaking back to Muafakat Nasional like an ex texting at 2 a.m.
This is leadership without disclaimers.
The dog has caught the car.
Now it must decide whether to drive—or be dragged.
CORNERED BY THEIR OWN NARRATIVE
PAS now finds itself in a beautifully cruel dilemma.
To leave PN would be to confess what critics have long alleged: that loyalty lasts only until a better ladder appears.
To stay means something far more dangerous: governing.
Not preaching. Not posturing. Not praying for opponents to fall.
Leading.
Budgets. Policies. Accountability. Decisions that cannot be footnoted with verses when they go wrong.
This is no longer about who controls PN.
This is about whether PAS can.
PERLIS: THE CRACK THAT BECAME A FAULT LINE
The Perlis episode was not a footnote—it was a preview.
A Bersatu Menteri Besar.
PAS sidelined.
Trust eroded.
Smiles that didn’t reach the eyes.
For PAS, Perlis felt like betrayal. For Bersatu, it was just politics doing what politics always does—moving the pieces that are easiest to move.
And now, with Bersatu stepping back, PAS inherits not just the throne—but the mess beneath it.
QUNUT NAZILAH AND THE BOOMERANG EFFECT
Perhaps the bitterest irony of all is this:
After months of praying for others to stumble, it is their own alliance that is losing its footing.
Politics has a cruel sense of humour.
Like gravity, it doesn’t care about intention.
What you throw upward eventually returns—often with interest.
THE ANGELIC SILENCE OF AI
If artificial intelligence were watching this, it would blush.
No algorithm could have plotted this with such elegance:
Resign quietly.
Trigger a leadership vacuum.
Force your ally to step forward.
Remove all alibis in one move.
Compared to this, machines look naive.
Humans, once again, outperform technology—especially in self-sabotage.
ANWAR STANDS. OTHERS UNRAVEL.
While this quiet implosion unfolds, one figure remains standing—largely untouched by the debris.
PN reshuffles. Leaders resign. Alliances tremble.
Yet elsewhere, stability looks boring—and therefore effective.
It turns out chaos is not contagious when you refuse to host it.
THE STEERING WHEEL AND THE DEAD END
Muhyiddin walked away clean.
No blood. No bruises. No public humiliation.
PAS now grips the steering wheel of PN with both hands.
But the road ahead is narrow, unlit, and suspiciously quiet.
So the final question lingers—not shouted, but whispered:
Does PAS actually want to lead?
Or does it merely want to be the driver who proves—spectacularly—that passion without navigation takes you straight into a wall?
History, as always, is sharpening its pencil.
Without Muhyiddin, Azmin, will non-Malays support PN?
Bersatu, despite its monoethnic bias, was seen as a bridge between PN and the non-Malays.
From P Ramasamy
The uneasiness between PAS and Bersatu might have predated the Perlis political crisis; nonetheless, the latter provided the catalyst for the resignation of Muhyiddin Yassin as Perikatan Nasional (PN) chairman, to be followed by the Bersatu heads of PN in various states, including its secretary-general, Azmin Ali.
The conflict between the two political parties had simmered over a period of time over a variety of political issues.
PAS’s dominance in terms of its electoral support and its number of MPs and state assembly representatives is superior to Bersatu. However, in terms of experience and national exposure, Bersatu has an edge over PAS.
I do not think there is anyone in PAS who can match the experience and national exposure of Muhyiddin, a long-time federal minister and former prime minister.
Similarly, Azmin, a former Selangor menteri besar and federal minister, is an important figure in Bersatu and the opposition coalition of PN.
In comparison, PAS, despite having an electoral edge over Bersatu, was agreeable to Muhyiddin leading PN.
However, politics being what it is, the imbalance between PAS and Bersatu, in terms of experience, political ideology, and other factors, became a source of friction.
Two developments brought the conflict between PAS and Bersatu into the open, leading to the resignations of Muhyiddin and others.
The first was the role of Bersatu elected representatives in undermining the Perlis menteri besar, leading to his resignation.
The subsequent appointment of a Bersatu candidate as the new menteri besar added to the friction.
On a broader level, Umno’s unhappiness with the Madani government in general, in particular over how former prime minister Najib Razak has been treated, became another source of tension.
The failure of Najib to obtain house arrest was a source of tremendous concern among Umno members.
It was in this context that comments by some DAP leaders hailing the denial of Najib’s house arrest bid as a victory to be celebrated outraged the Umno leadership, to the extent that there were calls for Umno to revive Muafakat Nasional (MN) to accommodate PAS.
This was seen as an attempt by Umno to cut ties with DAP once and for all.
If MN had been revived between Umno and PAS, it would have dealt a major blow to the present ruling coalition, with DAP pushed to the political margins.
Even if Bersatu had welcomed the idea of DAP being pushed out of government, the revival of MN would have been a direct affront to Bersatu’s continued prominence in Malaysian politics.
If MN were revived, PAS might well have said good-bye to Bersatu by embracing Umno.
There was certainly quick thinking on the part of Muhyiddin in jettisoning the idea of MN’s revival by resigning as chairman of PN.
While there are claims that Muhyiddin’s resignation has strengthened PN, it is unquestionable that his departure has left a void in the opposition.
How PAS and Bersatu leaders are going to heal the rift remains uncertain.
Elections, both state and federal, may not be too far away. PN, as the next alternative government, appears to be in tatters.
The very idea of reviving MN between Umno and PAS may have damaged the prospects of PN emerging as the next credible alternative government.
In this way, Bersatu, despite its monoethnic bias, was seen as a bridge between PN and the non-Malays in the country.
The non-Malays, given the extreme views of PAS, are more comfortable with Bersatu leaders like Muhyiddin and Azmin.
Now with both of these leaders out of PN, there might be difficulty in establishing ties with the non-Malays in the country.
Anyway, there is nothing to prevent Muhyiddin from strengthening and broadening the larger opposition coalition of Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat.
P Ramasamy is the chairman of Urimai.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
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