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No News Is Bad News
Umno’s use of racial and religious bigotry spells its political demise
KUALA LUMPUR, April 4, 2024: Prof James Chin recommends that Malaysians read Singapore’s Channel News Asia (CNA)’s five-part series on Political Islam.
With Malaysia’s former ruling elite for Malays, Umno, now reduced to just 26 seats in the 222-seat Parliament after the last general election (GE), law-abiding-peace-loving Malaysians do not see why Umno should be given third chance in political governance in the next GE.
Fanning racial and religious hatred using the Made-in-China Allah-brand socks controversy, Umno has shown its true colours yet again, despite losing majority support of Malays.
In the next GE, non-Malays are likely to also dump Umno - thus nailing its political coffin.
Malaysians just cannot continue to accept Umno’s blatant disregard for national security and harmony, destroying Malaysia and its more than RM3 trillion (national debt + household debt) debt-ridden economy.
The elite racial and religious bigoted Umno leaders, like its Youth chief Dr Akmal Salleh, appear to be untouchable by the law (no police action) even after issuing veiled threats to Malaysians, threatening national unity and harmony.
These are what we are talking about:
Lawyer and social activist Siti Kasim said: "I recently saw a TikTok video where he (Akmal) was seen calling the Malays to be ready. He was seen sharpening a parang ... this is something the police must act on.
"It is like he is instigating the Malays to create problems. Islam never teaches us all this," said Siti.
A senator has asked why Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh has yet to be investigated for sedition after posting a picture of himself holding a sword on Facebook. Akmal had posted the picture, taken during a recent trip to Japan, on March 14. The picture was captioned: “No matter what, we will not waver from our stance. Better to die standing than live kneeling.”
No News Is Bad News reproduces below the CNA articles that attempt to explain the Islamic issues dogging Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand (South):
Political Islam: Why the religious conservatism wave is rising in Malaysia but ebbing in Indonesia
In the first of a five-part series on political Islam in Southeast Asia, CNA examines the rise of religious conservatism in Malaysia, why neighbouring Indonesia is seeing a contrasting picture, and what these trends could mean for these countries.
A group of young men chatting at a hut with Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) flags in the background in Kuala Terengganu. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
Amir Yusof
Kiki Siregar
29 Mar 2024 06:00AM(Updated: 03 Apr 2024 09:16AM)
KOTA BHARU, Kelantan: In a bustling central market in Kuala Terengganu, cracker seller Mdm Raqiah Abdullah flipped through pages of the Quran - the Muslim holy book - as she sat on a rickety stool.
The Quran was wrapped in a green cloth with a white circle in the middle - the flag of conservative party Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS).
“We are Muslims, so it is our duty to support PAS,” said the 69-year-old.
“I think if we want to be good Muslims, in this life and the hereafter, we have to follow teachings of PAS and its leaders, like Tok Guru Hadi,” claimed Mdm Raqiah, referring to PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang, a renowned cleric who has led the party for more than two decades.
Mdm Raqiah is a lifelong hardcore supporter of the Islamist party. However, she said that among her community in Kuala Terengganu, it was only in the last five years or so that supporting PAS has become popular and mainstream.
Mdm Raqiah Abdullah has been a hardcore Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) supporter throughout her life. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
Observers note that this shift in support was due to problems within the country’s oldest party United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and graft cases among its leadership, such as the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving former Malaysia prime minister Najib Razak.
“Previously, the rivalry between UMNO and PAS in Terengganu was fierce - there were different mosques, villages and even eateries for the supporters of each of the parties. But now, almost everyone seems to be united behind PAS, with thanks to God,” she said.
Between 1974 and 2013, the UMNO-led Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition ruled the Terengganu state government except for a stint between 1999 and 2004 when Mr Abdul Hadi served as chief minister under the Barisan Alternatif coalition.
However, since the 2018 General Election when BN lost power, PAS and its Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition have maintained control of the Terengganu state government.
In recent years, PAS’ popularity has seemingly grown beyond its peripheral supporter base and the party has become the foremost choice for many Muslims living in the rural Malay heartland.
In an interview with CNA, PAS central committee member Muhammad Khalil Abdul Hadi outlined that the party grew in popularity recently due to pull and push factors.
Mr Muhammad Khalil, who is also the son of party president Abdul Hadi, stressed that the party’s “consistency in upholding the rights of the Malays and Muslims” may have attracted voters.
Mr Muhammad Khalil is the eldest son of Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) president Abdul Hadi Awang. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
“The values of race and religion are absolutely important for the Malay Bumiputera population, and we have not shifted our stance on this since the party was formed and this is a key factor,” said the exco member of Terengganu’s information, preaching and Syariah empowerment arm in the state government.
“There are also push factors - for instance the failure of UMNO as a party to fulfil its obligations in defending and upholding the principles of Islam and defending the rights of Malays,” he added.
Political analyst Norshahril Saat, senior fellow at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, told CNA that in recent years, PAS has strengthened its core power base in the northern states and the east coast while making inroads in other parts of Peninsular Malaysia.
“There are many ways of explaining it. One could be that there is this fear that the electorate is growing conservative, particularly among the Malays, and they are now buying into the argument that PAS has been proposing over the years of Islamisation, promoting Syariah laws and so on,” said Dr Norshahril.
“But the other argument could be the lack of alternatives. The Malays have always been supportive of UMNO and they see UMNO as the main party for the Malays and Islam. But now given their problems, the next best alternative is Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) and of course the party with a longer history is PAS,” he added.
Dr Norshahril Saat is also coordinator at the regional social and cultural studies programme at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
On the contrary, the elections in Indonesia last month appear to show that identity politics there has ebbed, despite initial worries that it could have been marred by religious conservatism.
Dr Norshahril said that identity politics was “somehow cancelled out” across the candidates in the Indonesian polls.
“We don't really see similar identity politics being played out in this year’s elections compared with 2019 and 2014. It could mean that the candidates themselves have equipped themselves very well,” said Dr Norshahril.
“So in this way all the candidates have somehow shored up Islamic support and hence we don't see identity politics being used to attack one another,” he added.
A closer look at Indonesia’s situation
In neighbouring Indonesia, concerns over the rise of political Islam and religious conservatism, especially in the lead-up to its latest election last month, appear to have cooled.
All three pairs of presidential and vice-presidential candidates did not succumb to the use of identity politics to garner votes, observers noted.
The three pairs are: Former Jakarta governor Anies Baswedan who teamed up with chairman of the Islamic National Awakening Party (PKB) Muhaimin Iskandar; current Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto and Solo mayor Gibran Rakabuming Raka; as well as former Central Java governor Ganjar Pranowo who ran with former member of PKB Mahfud MD.
The winning duo of Mr Prabowo and Mr Gibran have never been members of Islamic parties, unlike the other two pairs of candidates.
There was worry that the election would be marred by religious conservatism especially since identity politics dominated the 2019 presidential and legislative elections and Jakarta’s 2017 gubernatorial elections.
Mr Ujang Komarudin, a political Islam expert from Jakarta’s Al Azhar University, believes some political groups want to enforce Islamic ideologies but struggle to win in elections because Indonesian society is heterogeneous.
"Objectively speaking, there are indeed people or groups that fight for an Islamic ideology or political Islam.
"But if we look at the Islamic community, Islam itself here is heterogeneous. It is not homogeneous,” said Mr Ujang.
And although about 87 per cent of Indonesia’s over 270 million people are Muslims, many are not pious, Mr Ujang added.
Many Indonesians practise a moderate form of Islam or are Muslims according to their identity cards but do not really practise the religion.
“This impacts the behaviour of the voters and their choice (during elections),” said Mr Ujang.
Beyond that, analysts told CNA that the differing ideologies of various Islamic political groups and their inability to garner mainstream support as well as the country’s foundational philosophical theory of Pancasila appear to counter the threat of rising conservatism in Indonesia.
DIFFERING IDEOLOGIES GOVERNING ISLAMIST POLITICAL PARTIES
Mr Ujang believes that the Islamist political parties in Indonesia are not united and have differing ideologies. This is unlike in Malaysia, with its dominant Islamist party, the Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS).
“For example, PKB and the National Mandate Party (PAN), do they function based on their ideologies? I think not,” said Mr Ujang.
“They function based on interests, whether when forming a coalition or campaigning. They don’t highlight Islamic values but general or universal values if they talk about Islam.”
There are currently nine political parties in the Indonesian parliament.
Five of them are nationalist parties, and four of them have Islamic ideologies, namely PKB, PAN, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP).
Only PKB showed a significant increase in votes in last month's legislative elections, making it the fourth-largest party in the upcoming 2024-2029 parliament, whose members will be inaugurated in October.
It was the fifth-largest party in parliament based on the results of the 2019 elections - behind the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Golkar, Gerindra and National Democratic Party (Nasdem).
“Regarding the legislative election results, thank God. We at PKB are grateful.
“Because we are led by Mr Muhaimin, who is Mr Anies's vice-presidential candidate, we received a significant coattail effect,” said Mr Zainul Munasichin, secretary of PKB’s election-winning unit.
Coattail effect is the tendency for a political party figure to attract votes for other candidates from the same party.
In the recent election, Mr Anies and Mr Muhaimin were backed by the coalition of PKB, PKS and nationalist party Nasdem.
Before the coalition was formed, some analysts opined that PKB and PKS would not be able to work together because they believed in a different form of Islam. But PKB’s Mr Zainul told CNA that his party’s alliance with PKS was “purely tactical”.
Meanwhile, PAN - which backed Mr Prabowo and Mr Gibran - was founded by people who were members of Indonesia’s second-biggest Islamic organisation, Muhammadiyah.
PAN’s secretary general Eddy Soeparno said it performed slightly better in February’s election compared to five years ago because of the perception then that it was right-wing due to its founder’s participation in events attended by hardline Islamic groups.
The remaining Islamist party in parliament - the PPP - is the oldest and has existed for 51 years.
It was one of the only three political parties during the regime of Suharto, along with nationalist party Golkar and PDI, now named PDI-P.
But in recent years, it has lost ground.
Mr Muhammad Romahurmuziy, chairman of PPP’s advisory council, attributed this to many factors.
One was because it does not have a strong leading figure and political machinery.
“We would have to undertake a major reorientation in the next party congress,” Mr Romahurmuziy told CNA, adding that it is due in December next year but could be brought forward due to the latest election results.
According to the official results released by the Indonesia's General Elections Commission, PPP did not meet the minimum threshold of 4 per cent to enter the House of Representatives. This is the first time since its establishment in 1973 that the party will not be represented in parliament, although PPP will challenge the election results at the Constitutional Court.
Mr Adi Prayitno, a political Islam expert from Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah, surmised that parties operate based on interests rather than ideologies because Indonesia has a multi-party presidential system.
“There is a tendency that everyone is just chasing electoral votes,” said Mr Adi.
“In Indonesia, everything is being measured by political interests and not ideology.”
PANCASILA A WAY TO REIN IN IDENTITY POLITICS
In line with this, Mr Ujang from Al Azhar University noted that Islamic conservatism is not a selling point to most Indonesians.
“I don’t think conservatism is a threat in Indonesia because the democracy in Indonesia is built on Pancasila,” said Mr Ujang.
Pancasila is Indonesia’s ideology, which consists of five principles: Belief in one and only God, justice and civilised humanity, unity of the country, democracy guided by the inner wisdom among representatives, and social justice for all Indonesians.
“And Pancasila is the home of all religions in Indonesia, creating harmony,” Mr Ujang said.
Mr Ahmad Khoirul Umam, a political lecturer from Islamic university Paramadina in Jakarta, concurred.
“This is what makes the character of Islam in Indonesia very different from others in the region,” he said.
Mr Umam said Pancasila has become an identity of Indonesia, with its history dating back to the country’s first president, Sukarno.
Dean of Islam Nusantara faculty at Nahdlatul Ulama Indonesia University Ahmad Suaedy told CNA that Pancasila is the reference point for every political group because it encompasses various ideologies.
“So, in Indonesia, there are many religious elements which are used by the state. But they are not part of the political symbol because of Pancasila,” said Mr Ahmad.
In a country with about 1,300 different ethnic groups, the analysts believe that Pancasila has been a crucial element in keeping the country united.
“We are grateful Indonesia has Pancasila, which unites different religious communities. So there is no reason for Islam to be dominant and a threat,” said Mr Ujang.
PAS HAS GROWN FROM STRENGTH TO STRENGTH
Following Malaysia’s 2022 General Election, PAS is arguably the strongest individual party in the country at the federal level.
It now holds 43 out of 222 seats in parliament and its presence is even bigger than Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), the multiracial-centric Democratic Action Party (DAP) as well as UMNO. Malay nationalist party UMNO previously dominated Malaysia politics between 1957 and 2018.
At the federal level, PAS leads the opposition coalition PN together with the Malay nationalist party Bersatu.
PAS also scored big in the six state elections held in 2023, winning 105 out of 127 seats it contested. It led a clean sweep of all 32 state seats in Terengganu under the PN banner, winning 27 of those while the remaining five were won by Bersatu.
PAS is also currently heading the government in four states - Terengganu, Kelantan, Kedah and Perlis - in the north and known as the Malay heartland.
Buoyed by recent political gains, the conservative party is now eyeing to form the government at the next General Election.
Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) president Abdul Hadi Awang at the party's 69th annual congress in Shah Alam, Selangor on Oct 21, 2023. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Observers said while the party has publicly spoken about trying to appeal to non-Muslim voters to garner support from the mainstream, it has struggled to pull away from its hardline approach to political Islam - a big part of the party’s DNA under Mr Abdul Hadi’s leadership.
This is reflected in the party’s recent doubling down on matters such as the implementation of Syariah laws, education policies as well as social issues. PAS also has a penchant of calling non-Muslims “kafir” - or infidels - which is often seen as an insult.
Political analysts acknowledged that the party’s hardline approach on certain issues has boosted the support for PAS among the Malay-Muslims, which accounts for more than 60 per cent of the national population.
However, there is a concern that if PAS persists with this conservative brand of Islam, it could polarise the country and pull citizens apart along religious and ethnic lines.
Political analyst James Chin, professor of Asian studies at the University of Tasmania and senior fellow at the Jeffrey Cheah Institute on Southeast Asia, told CNA that divisive Malaysian politics has led to a fractured society.
“People don't realise that the country is actually fractured into very different versions of Malaysia. If you look at the Malaysian Parliament now, the biggest bloc is actually PAS and PAS stands very clearly for negara Islam Malaysia, or Islamic State of Malaysia.
“And the second biggest bloc is actually the DAP which stands for a multiracial, hybrid state, not Islamic but not secular either. So you can see that these two blocs have nothing in common and yet they command the two biggest blocs in the Malaysian parliament,” he added.
The DAP is part of the Pakatan Harapan coalition led by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.
PAS HAS OVERTAKEN UMNO AS THE PARTY OF CHOICE AMONG MALAYS
This transfer of support from UMNO to PAS in the Malay heartland is a huge political shift seen since 2018.
Associate Professor Dr Mohd Yusri Ibrahim, chief researcher for think-tank group Ilham Centre, told CNA that for more than six decades post-independence, the Malay community gravitated towards UMNO.
He said Malay nationalism was the raison d’etre for UMNO’s formation - focused on increasing social mobility among the community.
However, he opined that corruption scandals - such as the 1MDB case involving jailed former prime minister Najib Razak - has caused the party to lose legitimacy and with it, its brand of ethnonationalism. Meanwhile, PAS’ conservative Islamist ideology has come to the fore.
Associate Professor Dr Mohd Yusri Ibrahim is based in Kuala Terengganu and does field research in villages across the east coast of Peninsular Malaysia. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
“Since the 2018 General Election, we have seen based on our research on the ground, in the villages, that support for PN and PAS grows day by day, while support for UMNO has waned,” said Assoc Prof Mohd Yusri.
He added: “Now, Malays who pride themselves on their ethnicity and religion, based on Malay-ism and Islam-ism support PAS because PAS is the one party now flying the flag for both these issues.”
A politician who has seen this shift first-hand is Arau Member of Parliament Shahidan Kassim. The influential warlord, who was axed from the last general election candidate list by UMNO president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, switched to PAS before nomination day.
After trading party colours, Mr Shahidan clinched the Arau federal seat in the state of Perlis by a majority of more than 23,000 votes, having garnered only slim majorities of around 1,000 to 4,000 votes during the previous two national polls.
In an interview with CNA, Mr Shahidan said that PAS has become accepted by Malay Muslims across the country and has successfully managed to persuade supporters of other parties as well as those in the middle ground.
“They rejected UMNO because of the leadership tussles and the party was not seen as representing their interests anymore,” said the former chief minister of Perlis, who was also Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department.
Former Barisan Nasional warlord Shahidan Kassim switched sides to Perikatan Nasional before the 2022 General Election after he was axed from the candidate list by United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi.…see more
“The PAS supporters are loyal and will always vote for the party. These extra votes (I received) were from (former) UMNO supporters and those who were on the fence,” Mr Shahidan said.
Identity politics is closely linked to race and religion among Muslims in Malaysia and Indonesia, according to a study released by American think-tank Pew Research Centre in 2023.
The study, which surveyed 13,122 adult respondents across six Asian countries between June and September 2022, found that 86 per cent of Muslim respondents in Indonesia said it is “very important” to be a Muslim to be truly Indonesian, which is closely followed by 79 per cent of Muslim respondents in Malaysia who also equate the religion to national identity.
Assoc Prof Mohd Yusri said that PAS, especially in recent years, has been shrewd in recognising this close relationship between identity politics and religion, and it has crafted its campaign agenda to play on these sentiments.
“PAS played up the sentiments of race and religion, and this is a proven strategy that works,” he said.
“They play up fear that Malays will lose their special rights (as enshrined in the constitution) and that Islam is being threatened. This is a deadly weapon to pull support,” added the policy studies programme lecturer at Universiti Malaysia Terengganu’s (UMT) faculty of business, economics and social development.
Meanwhile, PAS’ strength has also grown within the PN coalition and many observers feel it has solidified its position as the “big brother” in its partnership with Bersatu.
Bersatu leaders Muhyiddin Yassin and Hamzah Zainudin are seen as the de facto leaders of PN and possible prime minister candidates if the coalition comes into power.
However, observers noted that Bersatu’s strength is waning following internal strife as six of its Members of Parliament have pledged support for the unity government led by PM Anwar.
PAS has also put forth professional leaders with executive experience such as Terengganu chief minister Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar, who is being touted as a possible prime minister candidate for the future.
PAS’ ascension has not gone unnoticed among politicians in the unity government.
Deputy minister for trade and industry Liew Chin Tong from DAP believes that PAS has overtaken Bersatu as the stronger force in the PN coalition.
“Bersatu is on decline and Bersatu is sinking. What is not sinking? What is going to remain as a potent force is PAS,” said Mr Liew.
“And eventually, Bersatu will be subsumed under the PAS brand,” added the Member of Parliament for Iskandar Puteri.
CAN PAS GO MAINSTREAM AND GOVERN ON ITS OWN?
While PAS is on the rise, some have observed that perhaps the Islamist party has reached its saturation point and the maximum level of support it could garner on the basis that it would not be able to form the next government on its own, unless it wins the hearts and minds of non-Muslims as well as Malays in urban areas.
During the party’s congress in 2023, Mr Abdul Hadi acknowledged in his speech that the party needed to work on winning over non-Malay and non-Muslim voters to make greater inroads at the next polls.
However, external observers believe this is an uphill task given the party’s core position.
DAP’s Mr Liew said he believed that PAS had peaked in the recent polls and it is now “on a decline” as it is unable to offer voters of other races, including those in Sabah and Sarawak, a brand of politics that is acceptable.
Democratic Action Party (DAP) deputy secretary-general Liew Chin Tong. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
“If PAS chooses to continue with its hardline position (on Islam), it will be able to keep what it has (control over northern states) but it will not have a national impact. Because in Malaysia, there’s a huge middle ground among the Malays and also among Malaysians.
“The Malay middle ground and the multi-ethnic Malaysian electorate would not buy into a hardline position,” said Mr Liew, who wrote an academic thesis on PAS and democracy that was published in 2006.
PAS’ hardline position on political Islam is said to have been consolidated in 2015, when the party’s spiritual leader Nik Aziz Nik Mat died and the faction of the party which comprised of non-cleric professionals who advocated an inclusive approach of Islam left to form Parti Amanah Negara (Amanah), one of the key component parties of PM Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan coalition.
These included Amanah president Mohamad Sabu and current Minister of Health Dzulkefly Ahmad.
The exodus of this group, dubbed the Anwarinas faction for their support of Mr Anwar, paved the way for Mr Abdul Hadi to accelerate an ideological convergence in PAS which reflects his far-right ideals.
A key ideological difference between Mr Abdul Hadi and the late Nik Aziz was in their approach to non-Muslims. The latter saw non-Muslims not as a threat to the party and Islam, while Mr Abdul Hadi - who is more exclusivist - has publicly spoken against the appointment of non-Muslims in key political positions and also claimed that those responsible for corruption in the country mainly comprised of them.
Mr Muhammad Khalil of PAS told CNA that even today, the party’s ethos in political Islam is that it believes that the leaders of various segments of government across the country should be Malay-Muslims.
“An important principle in political Islam in the Malaysian context, is the principle of which race is most influential, because there are some people who try and create confusion by saying that PAS is a party that is racist, because it upholds rights of Malay bumiputera, but we must distinguish between fighting for the rights of a certain race, and being racist.
“In the context of Malaysia, the majority is the Malay bumiputera who are Muslims. This is why PAS is consistent in its stance that in Malaysian politics, its leaders must be those who are Malay-Muslims, because they are the majority and dominant race in Malaysia,” he added.
Mr Muhammad Khalil cited how in countries like Japan and France for instance, the heads of the governments are of Japanese and French ethnicity respectively.
Mr Abdul Hadi has also on various occasions used DAP, which is led mainly by ethnic Chinese politicians, as a scapegoat and warned that the party is a major threat to Islam.
Mr Mohd Firdaus Talha, a 21-year-old who studies at a religious school in Kelantan which is funded by PAS, told CNA that he voted for PAS as he did not want DAP and its “liberal ideals” to govern the northern state.
Politics researcher Assoc Prof Mohd Yusri pointed out that the sentiment is widespread among youths in Terengganu and Kelantan, and it is a perplexing view given that no DAP candidate contested in these states in the 2023 polls.
“When we ask young voters why they want to vote for PAS, they said it's because they want to bring down DAP. We are shocked, because in Terengganu and Kelantan, DAP does not have any presence,” he said.
Mr Liew had been a DAP member between 2008 and 2015, when PAS, DAP and PKR were united under the Pakatan Rakyat coalition. The alliance made inroads but failed to topple the UMNO-led BN government.
“During that period, the dominant idea within PAS was to try and ... win the middle ground, to be a national party for the mainstream. But this push eventually led to the split within the party and the hardliners took charge while those who were trying to mainstream the party left and formed Amanah,” he added.
“Now PAS has to go through a process of renewal on its current leadership …. At some point the party will have to renew its ideas and rethink its approach. There needs to be a new generation that comes out and projects a different image for the party to win across racial lines, to win the Malay middle ground and to win across the South China Sea (support in East Malaysia),” said Mr Liew.
PAS DOUBLING DOWN ON HARDLINE ISLAM
On the surface, it may seem like PAS is indeed making efforts in its attempt to reach out to the non-Muslims.
In late 2023, the party issued a statement wishing Christians a Merry Christmas. The party previously said sending such greetings was against the teachings of Islam and has elements of syirik (idolatry).
A Chinese New Year banner posted on Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) president Abdul Hadi Awang's Facebook page in February. (Photo: Facebook/Abdul Hadi Awang)
Also in February, Mr Abdul Hadi in his Chinese New Year message said that all Malaysians should aspire towards a prosperous nation in which all communities live in peace and harmony.
"The diversity of races and ethnicities is celebrated as a sign of Allah's magnificence and is part of nature in the creation of humanity.
"Islam, which is the guiding principle of PAS, guarantees justice, peace and well-being for all races and religions in this country," Mr Abdul Hadi wrote.
Mr Shahidan - the Arau MP - said these are steps to show that PAS aims to unify Malaysians rather than sow division.
“Islam is a religion that unites. We are good with everyone. We never planned to bring anyone down. We only plan to fix the beliefs (akidah) of the Muslims,” he added.
Analysts said these moves show PAS understands the political reality of needing support from the non-Malays to govern in Malaysia.
However, they pointed out that these efforts are often cancelled out by the party members’ firm stance on hardline Islam, which rears its ugly head across countless political issues.
For instance, PAS religious council chief Ahmad Yahaya earlier in March spoke out against the education ministry’s directive that school canteens would continue operating during Ramadan - the Muslim fasting month - so that non-Muslim students could have their meals.
Mr Ahmad said the closure of canteens should be a societal norm to respect Muslims who were fasting.
The party has also overseen the closure of lottery outlets across the four states it governs, as part of its efforts to phase out gambling, which is prohibited in Islam.
Mr Yap Suat Ping, who sells Chinese-language newspapers in Terengganu, told CNA that there is an element of “unfairness” in this rule.
Mr Yap Suat Ping sells newspapers at Kuala Terengganu's bustling central market. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
“It’s ok for PAS to prohibit Muslims from gambling, but non-Muslims should be free to engage in this activity as well if they wish,” said the 70-year-old.
PAS members have also repeatedly spoken against the hosting of concerts by foreign artists such as British band Coldplay and Korean girl group Blackpink.
Mr Abdul Hadi was also recently rebuked by Selangor ruler Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah over the PAS president’s criticism of an apex court ruling that found the state of Kelantan had overreached in its Syariah law implementation.
This came after the Federal Court ruled on Feb 12 that Kelantan, governed by PAS, cannot expand the jurisdiction of its Syariah law to include criminal acts already covered by federal powers.
In the article published on PAS' online news portal, Mr Abdul Hadi wrote that the country’s monarchs need to “have a vision towards the afterlife” and not only on worldly matters, saying they would be judged by God on how they used their power and position while alive.
A five-page letter from the palace of the Selangor ruler – who is also chairman of the National Council of Islamic Religious Affairs - outlined that Mr Abdul Hadi’s statements were “very inappropriate and rude”.
RELIGIOUS RHETORIC COULD HINDER DEMOCRACY
However, Ilham Centre’s Assoc Prof Mohd Yusri said such religious rhetoric does strengthen the party’s support among its core voter base.
“PAS has influence over various pockets of Muslim society - the schools, the Tahfiz (Quran learning centres), as well as community events such as funerals and weddings. Its grassroots is felt throughout the community, and when leaders issue statements playing on these sentiments, the information is disseminated quickly and effectively,” he said.
However, Assoc Prof Mohd Yusri explained the downside is that voters in the Malay heartland tend to be buoyed by religious rhetoric over election candidates who would be better at governance, and this hinders the democratic process.
“In Malaysia politics, especially in the Malay heartland, what matters more is your skill to manipulate religious and racial sentiments. You don’t have to be a good governor or administrator, and you can win,” said Assoc Prof Mohd Yusri.
He cited a Ilham Centre study before the 2023 state elections which found residents in the states of Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah were least happy with the quality of state governance.
In spite of this, PAS defended all three states with larger majorities at the polls.
The researcher expressed hope that Malaysia could take a leaf out of Indonesia, where political Islam and conservative politics did not reign supreme in the recent 2024 Presidential Elections held in February.
“There was no play on religious sentiment. There was support by Islamist groups for Anies (Baswedan) but it was not substantial enough to win the elections,” said Assoc Prof Mohd Yusri.
“Even so, for a huge segment of voters in both Malaysia and Indonesia, it is easy for just about anyone to manipulate religious sentiments and ethnic sentiments to get quick support.
“That’s why we must work hard in the Malaysia context in Southeast Asia. We have to educate youths on democracy because if political literacy is high, they will be mature enough to make the right decisions for their future,” he added.
Youths in Malaysia spend a significant amount of time on their smartphones. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
DAP’s Mr Liew echoed similar sentiments. Muslims in the region are pious but they also want to make a good living for themselves, he said.
“They want upward mobility, they want good governance and they want a hopeful future for their nation,” he said.
“I would think that politicians will have to appeal to voters through a range of issues, through building a more comprehensive policy framework. And eventually articulating hope and not just playing on fear.
“Political Islam has been premised on fear, anxiety and the idea that Islam is under threat. To the younger generation, fear may appeal, but hope is more appealing.”
Additional reporting by Rashvinjeet S Bedi
Political Islam: Preachers in Malaysia, Indonesia with millions-strong online flocks unafraid of rocking the boat
In the second of a five-part series on political Islam in Southeast Asia, CNA looks at how religious leaders popular among youths in Malaysia and Indonesia have at times waded into politics with their teachings and galvanised followers.
Ustaz Haikal Hassan (left) of Indonesia and Ustaz Azhar Idrus of Malaysia. (Photos: CNA/Danang Wisanggeni, Zamzahuri Abas)
Amir Yusof
Kiki Siregar
Denny Armandhanu
30 Mar 2024 06:00AM(Updated: 03 Apr 2024 09:09AM)
KUALA TERENGGANU/JAKARTA: With his casual style of lectures delivered in a thick Terengganu accent, Malaysian Islamic religious leader Ustaz Azhar Idrus has grown in popularity among Muslims in Southeast Asia.
He has more than 1.7 million followers on his social media pages including Facebook, Instagram and TikTok. He is knowledgeable in Islamic jurisprudence and gives advice on different religious topics including finance, morals and even spousal relationships.
Yet, there are some quarters who accuse Ustaz Azhar of being political with his messaging at times, and feel the mixing of politics and religion should not be permitted, especially since a large portion of his audience are impressionable youths.
Ustaz Azhar Idrus answering questions from the audience during a lecture in Kuala Terengganu. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
Over in Indonesia, Jakarta-based preacher Haikal Hassan - unlike Ustaz Azhar - has been far more overt with his political views.
Ustaz Haikal, who has been using social media to preach Islamic values for the past 15 years, boasts over two million followers on Instagram. A previous account with about 6.7 million followers was compromised.
His posts on the social media application of late have been less about religious teachings and more on the political developments in Southeast Asia’s largest economy. Indonesia held its latest election on Feb 14 and it would not be difficult to guess who Ustaz Haikal’s preferred presidential candidate was.
It was Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto, who has since been declared the winner of the election by the country’s General Elections Commission (KPU).
The proliferation of such preachers who are savvy with social media and unafraid to rock the political boat appears to be on the rise, in response to a growing expectation of them to be more vocal on certain issues.
Preacher Haikal Hassan (centre, in blue) and Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto (front in white) on Mar 20, 2024, after the latter was declared the winner of Indonesia's 2024 presidential election. (Photo: CNA/Danang Wisanggeni) …see more
According to a study released by American think-tank Pew Research Centre in 2023, around six in 10 respondents polled in Malaysia and Indonesia say religious leaders should talk publicly about the political parties or politicians they support, with about half even saying they should enter politics.
Also, more than half of the respondents in Malaysia and Indonesia believe religious leaders should take part in political protests, slightly more than the 50 per cent of those polled in Cambodia and eclipsing the 18 to 29 per cent of respondents in Singapore, Sri Lanka and Thailand.
The study surveyed 13,122 adult respondents across six Asian countries between June and September 2022.
Associate Professor Dr Mohd Yusri Ibrahim, chief researcher for think-tank group Ilham Centre, told CNA that many Muslim youths in the region may be keen for the preachers they follow to also speak about politics or participate directly in politics because it is an area in which they lack knowledge.
"Youths, in relative terms, have a poor level of political literacy and their understanding of religion also has not much depth. At the same time, their spirit and determination towards Islam is strong and some are fanatic in following certain popular preachers who are able to explain concepts well, with humour and other ways," said Assoc Prof Mohd Yusri.
He added that preachers may also be compelled to lecture about politics or even participate directly in election campaigning because parties recognise the influence they wield over voters.
"When it comes to election time, many religious preachers who wield huge influence and are able to pull support of young people towards political parties who back them will be called upon to help. That's why these preachers are used by specific parties in the course of their campaign; one of the objectives is to garner support from younger voters.
"Whether this is a good or bad development is subjective. In my opinion, it's important that younger voters develop their political literacy so they can make whatever decision with maturity, and not just support any party due to determination and obsession with certain preachers," said Assoc Prof Mohd Yusri.
PREACHER WITH APPARENT CLOSE TIES TO ISLAMIST PARTY
In Malaysia, Ustaz Azhar has been accused by some local media outlets of being pro-Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), the conservative right-wing party which has a strong supporter base in the rural Malay heartland.
PAS is currently in the opposition bench in the federal government as part of the Perikatan Nasional coalition.
When approached by CNA during a lecture in a mosque in Kuala Terengganu, Ustaz Azhar - who is known to have close ties with the Terengganu state government led by PAS - denied that his religious content is skewed to benefit any political party.
“We do work for dakwah, that is all,” said Ustaz Azhar, referring to the Islamic term of propagating the religion to the masses.
“My team and I have no secrets; we are like everyone else. We do lectures and broadcast them live on our social media pages - TikTok and Facebook. We are not (political),” he added.
Ustaz Azhar Idrus' lecture being streamed on a social media platform. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
Ustaz Azhar also stressed he was not obsessed with growing his followers to form any political movement.
“We are not vain (or) desperate for more subscribers. In all my life I have never asked my viewers to please click on the (notifications) bell or subscribe to my channel. If you don’t watch my videos, it’s fine. But if you do, thank you.”
Ustaz Azhar made national headlines in 2023 when he became embroiled in a spat with Malaysia Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim over an interpretation of a Quranic chapter.
During one of his lectures, Ustaz Azhar was asked about Mr Anwar’s comments that “the people of the cave” - a group cited in a Quranic chapter - were Christians and not Muslims.
Ustaz Azhar said then: “This is what ignorant leaders who are keen to show off look like … He does not have religious knowledge. When he speaks without religious knowledge, the leader has gone astray and is leading his people astray.”
In response, Mr Anwar said that “the preacher from Terengganu” - a reference to Ustaz Azhar - had taken his interpretation of the Quranic chapter out of context.
“As a preacher, we cannot be hasty and keen to play up political sentiments. This is the problem - if he wants to discuss the issue from a religious standpoint, he should have checked the facts first,” Mr Anwar told reporters.
SPREADING KNOWLEDGE THROUGH HUMOUR
One of Ustaz Azhar’s fans is Mdm Aisya Johari, a businesswoman from Ipoh who has been living in Kuala Terengganu for three months because she wanted to “increase her Islamic knowledge” by following the preacher on his lecture circuit.
The mother of a two-year-old daughter, Mdm Aisya said the sacrifice is worth it because she gets to learn from “one of the most knowledgeable preachers in the country”.
Mdm Aisya Johari has been following Ustaz Azhar Idrus' lectures since she was a student. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
Mdm Aisya, who is in her 30s, said: “Ustaz Azhar Idrus’ lectures are accessible to youths. I have been following him since I was younger; with him, it's so easy for youths to understand difficult concepts.
“Other clerics seem so serious, right? But Ustaz Azhar Idrus conveys knowledge to young people in a simple way, mixed with some jokes but the message is clear and impactful,” she added.
Ustaz Azhar said he injects humour into his lectures to sustain followers’ attention so that the knowledge he shares gets through to them.
“Because my lectures are long - the shortest are an hour - and studies show that if the human body sits still for 40 minutes, they will feel tired and sleepy, and not be able to remember the points I’m saying,” he added.
Mdm Aisya acknowledged that her world view as well as thoughts on Malaysia's political situation are shaped by what she learns from preachers like Ustaz Azhar.
“During his lecture, Ustaz Azhar has said himself that the state of this country is neither here nor there,” said Mdm Aisya.
“He brought up (the possibility of) LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) concerts being held in Ramadan (if permitted by the current government). What should our opinion be if our leaders allow LGBT concerts to be held in the holy month?” she asked.
INDONESIAN PREACHERS LEVERAGING POWER OF SOCIAL MEDIA
The recent elections in Indonesia was a means for Ustaz Haikal Hassan to share with his followers his political leanings, though he told CNA he did not initially intend to use social media to preach about politics.
“Initially, my social media content was motivational, and then I expanded to preaching,” he said, adding that he had “no choice” but to be politically involved especially during last month’s presidential and legislative elections.
Ustaz Haikal used the opportunity to show his support for current Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto, who won the presidential election on his third try.
Ustaz Haikal became more politically vocal on social media during the Jakarta gubernatorial election in 2017 when society was polarised between two candidates: Former education minister Anies Baswedan, a Muslim of Arab descent, and incumbent Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a Christian of Chinese descent.
“At that time, I felt a calling to support Mr Anies Baswedan as governor rather than Mr Basuki.
“(And) in 2019, I continued (preaching during the presidential election) and said Mr Prabowo is the right person to lead (Indonesia),” Ustaz Haikal said. That year, Mr Prabowo lost to incumbent President Joko Widodo.
Identity politics marred the 2019 presidential and legislative elections and Jakarta’s 2017 gubernatorial elections, observers have previously noted.
Now that Mr Prabowo is set to become Indonesia’s next president, Ustaz Haikal said he would criticise the incoming president if he did “something bad” which does not align with Islamic teachings.
“I love him, so I will criticise him. What is good must be held on to and the bad must be criticised,” he said.
Acknowledging the influence he wields, Ustaz Haikal said social media has allowed him to reach out to people he would otherwise not be able to.
“If I preach at a mosque, there will be around 500 people. But on social media, we can reach out to millions of people,” he said.
Congregational prayer at Jakarta's Istiqlal mosque. (Photo: CNA/Danang Wisanggeni)
Another Jakarta-based preacher, Ustaz Bachtiar Nasir, was also not shy about expressing support for his preferred presidential candidate to his followers. On Instagram alone, he boasts some 1.1 million followers.
Ustaz Bachtiar supported Mr Anies - the former Jakarta governor - whose political content he believes contains messages about morality which align with Islamic values.
He also believes a leader must have traits such as a sense of fairness and justice.
“I voted for pair number one (Mr Anies and his running mate Muhaimin Iskandar).
“And this (support for Mr Anies) has been (present) since the time of the Jakarta gubernatorial election,” Ustaz Bachtiar said.
He added that his sharing of political content on social media was in response to his followers’ requests and questions regarding moral values.
But not all preachers with a healthy social media following are interested in pushing into the political sphere.
Yogyakarta-based preacher Ammi Nur Baits, who started using social media actively to preach during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, said he does not use social media to lecture about politics and instead focuses on Islamic teachings.
“Personally, I’m not too interested in politics. I think (being politically involved) is not my stance, and some people are fed up with politics and even try to avoid talking about it.
“I have no interest in being involved politically, so I don’t use my social media accounts to preach about politics,” he said.
There are also many preachers who continue to spread the teachings of Islam the traditional way - through Islamic boarding schools called pesantren - across Indonesia’s vast archipelago of over 17,000 islands, said political analyst Adi Prayitno from Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah.
Islamic boarding school students in Jombang, East Java, Indonesia. (Photo: CNA/Danang Wisanggeni)
There are over 39,000 Islamic boarding schools in the country, according to 2023 data from the ministry of religious affairs.
Mr Adi noted that preachers who use social media tend to be those living in big cities in Indonesia as well as those who have studied abroad.
“Why? Because they view the outside world and globalisation not as threats," he said.
“But it is an opportunity to change the perception of Islam, that it is not exclusive … Islam is compatible with democracy and globalisation."
HOW IMPACTFUL IS THE POLITICAL MESSAGING?
Analyst Ujang Komarudin from Al Azhar University in Jakarta said preachers on social media tend to target everyone active on social media with their teachings and political messaging.
But because these preachers are not usually part of a political party, their messaging may not have much impact on their followers, he felt.
“Because they are not related to political parties, their affiliation is not visible."
“Even if they personally support candidate number one, two or three (in a presidential election) they are not (seen as) supporters in terms of the political party,” Mr Ujang said.
But for one Jakarta-based health worker - who wanted to be identified as Ahmad - seeing some of the preachers he follows on social media talk about politics did influence his stance in the recent elections.
“I became more convinced that my choice of presidential and vice-presidential candidates would bring goodness to all,” he said without revealing who he voted for.
“Those who understand religion support that pair. So why should I, whose understanding of religion is far from comprehensive, not support them?” said the 28-year-old.
Entrepreneur Dila Fitria follows a few preachers on social media. (Photo: CNA/Danang Wisanggeni)
Ms Dila Fitria, on the other hand, said she uses the content of preachers she follows to obtain additional information on Islam. But she cautioned that she does not view it “as a main tool for understanding Islam, let alone political Islam”.
“I don’t try to find out about Islam on social media. Because I’m Muslim from birth, of course, I was taught about Islam from a young age. Social media is just for gaining additional information,” said Ms Dila, 29.
Bekasi-based student Davin Indra, who follows the social media accounts of some Islamic preachers, said he found it useful to find them online.
“Mainly because we youths are more in tune with our gadgets than attending Islamic lectures,” said the 18-year-old.
Political Islam expert Norshahril Saat, senior fellow at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute said although the lack of a filter on religious content that youths consume on social media is a concern, it allows them to choose from a spectrum of preachers - conservative, progressive or liberal.
“One criticism is that we value the charisma of influencers rather than intellectual discourse, the content of the religious teachings itself,” said Dr Norshahril.
“In this era, official religious institutions (like the office of the Mufti) no longer have a monopoly on Islamic discourse … In this day and age social media is an important tool," he added. "If (the content) crosses certain boundaries such as promoting radicalism I think the (respective governments) will definitely act on it.”
Political Islam: Syariah-inspired laws in some parts of Malaysia, Indonesia worry non-Muslims
The latest instalment of a CNA five-part series on political Islam in Southeast Asia discusses how Syariah-inspired laws in Indonesia and Malaysia are being used as a tool to build party identity, and causing tension between Muslim and non-Muslim groups.
A man performing prayers inside a mosque in Kuala Terengganu. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
Nivell Rayda
Rashvinjeet S Bedi
01 Apr 2024 06:00AM(Updated: 03 Apr 2024 09:07AM)
KUALA LUMPUR/PADANG: Ms Hasyimah Ayuni has only recently taken an interest in Islam outside the mosque.
The youngest of seven siblings, Ms Hasyimah, who is pursuing a masters degree in environmental health at a university in Malaysia’s Klang Valley, now believes that it is her duty to live in accordance with Islamic principles.
This came about following a court case that challenged the validity of several Syariah laws in the eastern state of Kelantan in February.
Ms Hasyimah told CNA that as Malaysia has a Muslim majority, it was logical that laws for Muslims be given priority over other laws.
She also wants Malaysia to use Syariah laws instead of the common law system being used today.
“As a Muslim, you have laws in your religion that God told you to follow but your country asks you to follow (their) laws, some which are based on Western sources (and) differ from your religion. Wouldn’t you feel angry and sad?” she said, adding that Islam covers all aspects of life.
She believes Syariah laws are the best set of laws that would guarantee the well-being of both Muslims and non-Muslims alike.
“This is because the laws are based on legal sources for Muslims such as the Quran (Islam’s holy book),” she said.
According to a study by the Pew Research Center in 2022, most Muslims in both Malaysia and neighbouring Indonesia favoured making Syariah the official law of the land.
The results of the study, which were released in September last year, said that 86 per cent of Malaysian Muslims supported using Syariah as the official law of the land, while 64 per cent of Indonesian Muslims supported the idea.
But communities in the two countries are debating whether these regulations should apply to all, or if Islam’s influence could impact diversity and social freedoms.
According to the Pew Research Center, Syariah, or Islamic law, offers moral and legal guidance for nearly all aspects of life – from marriage and divorce, to inheritance and contracts, to criminal punishments.
About 63.5 per cent of Malaysians are Muslims, according to official statistics.
Political analyst Azmi Hassan of the Nusantara Strategic Academy said most Muslims in Malaysia would say that Syariah law should be used to govern them, and this was regardless of where they come from or their status.
“The belief is there in general. Syariah laws are considered to be the ultimate in governance and Muslims believe them to be the best laws compared to whatever other laws that are being practised,” he said.
Protesters gather outside the Palace of Justice in Putrajaya holding signs that say, “Defend Kelantan Syariah Enactment” on Feb 9, 2024. Earlier, PAS secretary-general Takiyuddin Hassan called on Malaysians to show their solidarity with…see more
"BLACK FRIDAY": PROTESTS AGAINST COURT DECISION CHALLENGING SYARIAH LAWS
The issue of Syariah law recently made headline news in Malaysia after the country's top court declared on Feb 9 that more than a dozen Islamic laws enacted by the state of Kelantan were unconstitutional, following a 2022 challenge by lawyer Nik Elin Zurina Nik Abdul Rashid and her daughter Tengku Yasmin Nastasha Tengku Abdul Rahman.
A nine-member Federal Court bench, in an 8-1 decision, declared 16 laws in Kelantan's Syariah criminal code "void and invalid", including provisions criminalising sodomy, incest, gambling, sexual harassment, and desecrating places of worship.
Malaysia has a dual-track legal system with Islamic criminal and family laws applicable to Muslims running alongside secular laws. Islamic laws are enacted by state legislatures while secular laws are passed by Malaysia's parliament.
Chief Justice Tengku Maimun Tuan Mat who delivered the majority judgement said that the Kelantan state had no power to enact the laws, as the subject matter was covered under parliament's law-making powers.
There are altogether 68 sections in the Kelantan Syariah criminal code, out of which 52 sections are still considered to be constitutional.
The decision sparked uproar among some conservative Muslim groups, who claimed that the challenge would undermine Islam or the Syariah courts in Malaysia.
Lawyer Nik Elin Zurina Nik Abdul Rashid challenged the Kelantan state government over its enactment of Syariah criminal laws. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
The Islamist party Parti Se-Islam Malaysia (PAS) led the loudest protests against the court decision, claiming that it was a “Black Friday” for the country.
PAS has ruled Kelantan since 1990.
“When one Syariah law in one state is cancelled, it also affects the same laws in other states, 14 more states are in a very dangerous and critical situation.
“This is not a small matter, defending Syariah means defending the institution of the King who is the head of the State’s Islamic Religion,” PAS secretary-general Takiyuddin Hassan was quoted as saying by the Malay Mail on Feb 9.
In an interview with CNA, PAS working committee member Muhammad Khalil Abdul Hadi said the party's efforts to empower Syariah in Malaysia have been consistent since its formation in the 1950s.
“It’s not about politics but about principles. It’s not just an issue for PAS members, but an issue for all Muslims based on the principles of our country. In the Federal Constitution, rights are given to Islam in many aspects, such as Syariah, marriage, and education.
“It’s not at the level we want now but we will always work hard to empower it and we will fight anyone who wishes to sideline it,” said Dr Muhammad Khalil, who is also the eldest son of PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang.
Dr Muhammad Khalil Abdul Hadi speaks during an interview with CNA in Wisma Darul Iman, Kuala Terengganu. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
PART OF POLITICAL GAMES: ANALYSTS
Professor James Chin, director of the Asia Institute at the University of Tasmania, said that PAS' doubling down on the Syariah laws in Kelantan was part of the party’s political game, showing the people that they stood for Islamic supremacy.
He said the party knew it couldn’t pass any laws that contravened the Federal Constitution and that it needed the support of the royalty to make it a reality.
“In a way, PAS is just playing a game of reinforcing their brand at the end of the day. They know that you know they cannot win because they cannot override the Federal Constitution.
“Secondly, a lot of these things actually require the support of the Sultans in order to make it a reality. To me, it's all about games rather than reality,” he said.
He, however, added that the subject scared a lot of the middle class in Malaysia, especially the non-Muslims, because many of them did not understand how the system works.
Senior Fellow and Coordinator at the Regional Social and Cultural Studies Programme, ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, Norshahril Saat, said that PAS had to be consistent to build on its support base, and it was using identity politics to do so.
“In order to retain its support base, it has to paint the picture that the current government is not doing enough to protect Syariah laws and this has been consistent with PAS’ struggle in the past,” he said.
“I think Malaysians have to agree that the recent Nik Elin case is testimony that there are certain boundaries which PAS cannot cross and that is really cemented in the country's fabric,” he added.
ONLY FOR MUSLIMS, BUT FOR HOW LONG?
A Syariah lawyer in Kelantan, Alawi Abdul Rashid of Alawi & Associates, said the laws only applied to Muslims, including for offences such as adultery, alcohol consumption, and not fasting during the month of Ramadan.
“I think non-Muslims understand this but this topic is always politicised,” he said.
PAS information chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari said other parties besides PAS were also speaking about strengthening these laws and that the Syariah Courts had fewer powers compared to the civil courts.
“This is to do with the way of living of Muslims,” he said, adding that non-Muslims did not need to worry about Syariah laws as they would not be impacted by it.
He also said that generally, PAS didn’t need to use other countries as a reference when it came to administration.
“We don’t use Afghanistan as a reference. No. Do we want to use Saudi as a reference? No. Pakistan as a reference? No. If PAS became the government, which country would be the reference? We will use Malaysia as our reference.
“We are a multiracial country. We have Chinese, Indians, non-Muslims and others. This is our uniqueness that others don’t have ... They have their own ways, in accordance to their own ways. We have our own ways,” he said.
A sign saying "Allah protect Terengganu" on top of a hill in Kuala Terengganu. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
A Kelantanese non-Muslim who wanted to be known only as Mr Tiong, 35, said he was worried that Syariah laws could one day also apply to those not of the faith.
Mr Tiong, who is from the town of Bachok, said his main concern would be the harsher Hudud laws, which can include amputation of hands for theft and stoning for adultery, among other things.
“I know that they are meant for Muslims, but there is always a fear it could be used against non-Muslims,” he said.
Mr Ismail Yahya, the former Terengganu chief Syariah judge, said while many Muslims in Malaysia support wider implementation of Syariah law, it wasn’t realistic in the Malaysian context of diversity of faiths and multiculturalism.
“People want all sorts of things, but their wants are not realistic with our situation. There is still a lack of knowledge and understanding about the laws,” he said, adding that the issue of Syariah law was being politicised.
Mr Ismail, who was also the former mufti (Muslim legal expert) for the state, said the Syariah courts were important for matters pertaining to family law such as marriage and divorce for Muslims as well as inheritance matters.
"DECLINE OF DEMOCRACY": ANALYST
Meanwhile in Indonesia, life as a religious minority is becoming increasingly hard in parts of the country which have enacted Syariah-inspired regulations and decrees.
These bylaws range from mandating women and girls wear the hijab in public schools and government institutions, to requiring students to be able to read the Quran if they wish to graduate. They have not only discriminated against religious minority groups but also emboldened the Muslim majority to become less tolerant towards people of other faiths, according to some religious leaders.
A woman walks past a Christian church in Bukittinggi, West Sumatra, Indonesia. (Photo: CNA/Wisnu Agung Prasetyo)
In West Sumatra – where 97 per cent of the 5.5 million population are Muslims – Christians, Catholics, Buddhists and Hindus find it extremely hard to build so much as an extension to their churches and temples, let alone a new house of worship from the ground up, without attracting a wave of protests and condemnation from the local Muslim population.
According to the Indonesian Bureau of Statistics, there were 12,198 mosques and Islamic prayer houses across West Sumatra in 2021. That same year, there were only 404 churches and chapels in the province.
Minority religious groups in mainland West Sumatra said they tried to apply for permits from the local government to build their respective houses of worship but it cited rejection from the local population as the reason for not issuing the permits.
This is why there are only a handful of churches and temples in West Sumatra, most of them built before Indonesia gained independence from the Dutch in 1945. In most towns in the province, the only houses of worship are mosques.
“We just want a safe place for us to pray and stage religious activities. We have lived (in West Sumatra) for decades. We have considered (West Sumatra) our home,” a Christian congregation leader in one West Sumatra town told CNA. The deaconess asked not to be identified out of fear of harassment.
For years the congregation were unable to obtain a permit to build their own church and the locals were also reluctant to sell their land or rent their properties, if they knew that a church would be built there.
The congregation has to hold Sunday services at a local military base and stage Bible study sessions at a one-storey shop on a dead-end alleyway in the quiet part of town.
Unable to build their own church, members of this West Sumatra-based congregation have to conduct bible study sessions at a rented store space. (Photo: CNA/Wisnu Agung Prasetyo)
They live in constant fear that local Muslim groups might come in one day and disband their religious gatherings, as has been the case in other parts of Indonesia.
In August last year, a Bible study session in the provincial capital Padang was met with threats of violence. In 2019, Christian congregations in two West Sumatra regencies had to call off their Christmas celebrations because of rejection from local Muslim groups.
Even the dead cannot escape the wave of discrimination as Christians, Buddhists and Hindus are told that local cemeteries are for Muslims only.
“If we want to bury the dead, we have to take the body out of the province. For those of us who still have relatives elsewhere, they can make arrangements for the burial process. But those without a relative? Those without money to transport the body?” said David, a Christian living in West Sumatra who wanted to be known by only his first name.
Human Rights Watch’s Indonesia researcher Andreas Harsono said the presence of Syariah-inspired bylaws “has paved the way (for) the decline of democracy, civil liberties and many other rights in these Muslim-majority areas”.
Human Rights Watch Indonesia researcher Andreas Harsono. (Photo: CNA/Wisnu Agung Prasetyo)
The New York-based rights group recorded more than 700 Syariah-inspired regulations and decrees across Southeast Asia’s biggest economy.
These regulations are rampant in homogeneous provinces like West Sumatra and Aceh, where almost all of the population is Muslim. The areas are also former strongholds of Darul Islam, Islamist rebels who sought to secede from Indonesia and establish their own Islamic states in the 1950s, such as West Java and South Sulawesi.
And activists are worried that people in West Sumatra will become even more intolerant after the national parliament in Jakarta enacted a law on West Sumatra in 2022 which recognises Syariah as the basis for the province’s traditions and culture.
“Freedom of expression and freedom of religion are already declining in West Sumatra,” said Mr Bonar Tigor Naipospos of the not-for-profit group Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy.
The 2022 law, he said, will embolden hardline Islamists to further harass people of other faiths and put pressure on local leaders to issue more discriminatory regulations and policies which favour the Muslim majority.
“The legal basis (for discrimination) is now stronger,” Mr Bonar said.
Mr Bonar Tigor Naipospos, deputy chairman of Jakarta-based human rights group, Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy. (Photo: CNA/Wisnu Agung Prasetyo)
A GOOD POLITICAL MOVE
The 1998 fall of former president Suharto, who ruled the country with an iron fist for more than three decades, provided the impetus for Indonesia to decentralise power and provide autonomy to cities, regencies and provinces to enact their own regulations as long as they do not run afoul of national laws.
The fall of Suharto also gave rise to the presence of Islamic hardline groups such as the Islamic Reform Movement (Garis), the Islamic People’s Forum (FUI) and the now-disbanded Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), which were suppressed and could not express their political views under Suharto’s rule, when extreme religious views and the slightest signs of friction were not tolerated.
“In order to maintain power and rally widespread support, (local leaders) tried to accommodate the demands of these Islamic groups. So sometimes (these regulations) were not issued for ideological reasons but for political pragmatism,” Mr Bonar of Setara said.
The Solok regent responsible for introducing two of Indonesia’s first Syariah-inspired regulations, Mr Gamawan Fauzi, went on to become West Sumatra governor in 2005 and the country’s Minister for Home Affairs in 2009.
Those who oppose these Syariah-inspired regulations have faced political backlash.
In November 2018, Mr Gusrizal Gazahar, then-chairman of the West Sumatra chapter of the Indonesia Ulama Council (MUI), the country’s most influential Islamic organisation, issued a fatwa, or edict, barring Muslims from voting for parties and politicians who criticise the implementation of Syariah in the province.
Mr Gusrizal was responding to statements made by then-chairwoman of the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) Grace Natalie Louisa a few days before, saying that her party “will never support Syariah-based or Bible-based regulations.”
Former chairwoman of the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI), Grace Natalie Louisa speaks at a campaign. (Photo: Facebook/Grace Natalie)
Mdm Grace’s remarks were met with protests in several provinces across Indonesia, where 87.2 per cent of the country’s 270 million population is Muslim. Local clerics and politicians demanded the former PSI chairwoman issue an apology.
Mdm Grace later said that her remarks were meant as a criticism of regulations which are discriminatory in nature instead of a blanket condemnation of all religious-based legislation.
The following year, PSI received 1.14 per cent of the votes in West Sumatra at the legislative election, the third-lowest out of the 16 political parties contesting the polls. This year, PSI fared even worse, receiving just 11,700 or 0.4 per cent of the 2.9 million votes cast in the province.
STRONGER LEGAL BASIS
The Home Affairs Ministry is tasked with reviewing all regulations issued by provinces, regencies and cities across Indonesia. So far, the ministry has refused to repeal these Syariah-inspired legislations, arguing that they are in line with the national law and were enacted through democratic processes at their respective local legislatures.
But there are provinces such as Aceh which have made it compulsory for all legislative candidates to be able to read the Quran – which is written in Arabic – making it virtually impossible for non-Muslims to have one of their own represented in local parliaments or city councils.
Aceh is the only province where violations of the Syariah are prosecuted criminally and penalised with public flogging. It is the only province which has its own Syariah police and court system.
A woman is whipped in public by a member of the Syariah police in Banda Aceh on Oct 31, 2019, after being caught having an affair. (Photo: AFP/Chaideer Mahyuddin)
In West Sumatra, the legal basis for these Syariah-based regulations has grown stronger with the introduction of the 2022 Law on West Sumatra.
“The West Sumatra law creates legitimacy for Syariah-inspired regulations to be maintained and (is) difficult to be undone,” Mr Andreas of Human Rights Watch said.
The law recognises the philosophy, “adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi Kitabullah” (tradition based on the Syariah, Syariah based on God’s Law) – observed by West Sumatra’s biggest ethnic group, Minangkabau – as the province’s values and characteristics.
Although able to appease both the Islamic puritans and Minangkabau traditionalists of West Sumatra, the philosophy was panned by critics for failing to accommodate the values of non-Muslims, migrants as well as the people of Mentawai, a Christian-majority chain of islands which borders the Indian Ocean but is administratively part of West Sumatra.
Built in the 13th Century, the Ishlah Mosque in Pariangan village is one of the oldest mosques in Indonesia's West Sumatra province. (Photo: CNA/Wisnu Agung Prasetyo)
Mr Herdi Siswan, a politician and a member of the Minangkabau customary council promised that the government and the legislature will protect the interests of religious minorities.
“The government and the legislature are voted (in) not just by Muslims so it is impossible that we won’t fight for (non-Muslims). The few shall not be oppressed by the many. That is not the way of the Minangkabau people,” he said.
But Mr Herdi admitted it is hard for non-Muslims in West Sumatra to secure permits to build their houses of worship and that some schools force pupils to wear the hijab, regardless of their faith.
“These are the rules that people here have observed for years. There is nothing wrong with the government trying to regulate their people according to the Syariah,” he said.
Additional reporting by Amir Yusof
Political Islam: Hijab rules and segregated pools - religion reshapes social norms in Malaysia, Indonesia
In the third of a five-part series on political Islam in Southeast Asia, CNA examines whether regulations on "indecent clothing", betting and other social issues in Malaysia and Indonesia are hurting diversity for the sake of religious and political gains.
A group of students from a public elementary school in Bukittinggi, West Sumatra, Indonesia getting ready for their physical education class at a local stadium. (Photo: CNA/Wisnu Agung Prasetyo)
Nivell Rayda
Rashvinjeet S Bedi
31 Mar 2024 06:00AM(Updated: 03 Apr 2024 09:19AM)
KUALA LUMPUR/PADANG: It was supposed to be an exciting day for Ms Jenny Hia. After six months of studying remotely because of the COVID-19 pandemic, the teenager finally set foot at Public Vocational School Number 2 in Indonesia’s Padang City in January 2021.
She was hoping she could meet new friends, but all she got were awkward stares from schoolmates and teachers.
The Christian teenager, then 16, was the only girl in school who did not wear the hijab, a Muslim headscarf meant to conceal a woman’s hair and neck and a mandatory garment for all female students at the school.
Over the next few days, Ms Hia was summoned by various school officials about her refusal to wear the item. One teacher even brought four Christian students, all of whom had decided to comply with the public school’s regulation, to put pressure on her to do the same.
But Ms Hia remained steadfast.
“Public schools are supposed to be open to people of all religions. The way we dress should not be according to one religion. Everyone should be able to dress however they want,” she said.
Ms Jenny Hia, 19, was forced to wear the hijab in 2021 even though she is a Christian. Her case sparked a nationwide debate about the presence of Syariah-inspired regulations issued by several Indonesian provinces, regencies and cities.…see more
Her family took the case to Indonesia’s National Commission on Human Rights, putting a much needed spotlight on the plight of religious minorities in West Sumatra.
The case sparked a nationwide debate so fierce, three Indonesian ministries – the ministry of education, the ministry of religion and the ministry of home affairs – issued a joint decree on Feb 3, 2021 barring schools and regional governments from requiring students and teachers to wear “attributes of a specific religion”.
But three months after it was enacted, the Indonesian Supreme Court repealed the decree amid pressure from conservative Muslim groups and the customary council of the Minangkabau people, the biggest ethnic group in West Sumatra.
Three years on, Ms Hia’s case has faded from the limelight. The Supreme Court decision meant that the requirement for all female students to wear the hijab in West Sumatra, as well as other Indonesian provinces, is here to stay.
State Vocational School Number 2 in Padang, West Sumatra, Indonesia, became the centre of a nationwide debate in 2021 for forcing all female students to wear the hijab regardless of their religion. (Photo: CNA/Wisnu Agung Prasetyo) …see more
Her case is just one example of how increasing restrictions in the name of religion are upheaving social norms and liberties in Indonesia and neighbouring Malaysia.
Discrimination towards religious minorities has been on the rise in homogenous Indonesian provinces such as West Sumatra, where 97 per cent of the province’s 5.5 million inhabitants are Muslims.
“West Sumatra has become an icon of conservatism,” Mr Bonar Tigor Naipospos, deputy chairman of not-for-profit organisation Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace, told CNA.
To woo Muslim voters, politicians and public officials have been issuing Syariah-inspired regulations and decrees as well as discriminatory policies and programmes.
In 2005, then-Padang mayor Fauzi Bahar issued a decree mandating all Muslim students in public schools wear Islamic outfits. The same decree also required non-Muslims to “adjust their outfits” to the requirement but left no further explanation.
Schools were left to decide what the provision for non-Muslim students meant. Nearly all public schools in Padang interpreted the decree as requiring all female students, regardless of their faith, to wear the hijab.
“Spaces for non-Muslims to express their non-Muslim identities have indirectly become limited,” said Mr Sudarto, the founder of West Sumatra-based interfaith group, Inter-Community Study Group (Pusaka), adding that it has been happening gradually over decades.
Mr Sudarto, the founder of West Sumatra-based interfaith group, Inter-Community Study Group (Pusaka). (Photo: CNA/Wisnu Agung Prasetyo)
The problem is not unique to West Sumatra.
According to New York-based rights group, Human Rights Watch, there are at least 120 mandatory hijab regulations and decrees issued by regional governments across Indonesia. Meanwhile, there are close to 150,000 schools across Southeast Asia’s largest economy which require students to wear “attributes of a certain religion.”
Ms Hia said after the incident, her school no longer forced her or other Christian students to wear the hijab. She graduated last year.
But what happened at Padang’s Vocational School Number 2 is the exception to the norm.
Activists also warned that the school’s decision not to enforce its policy – which has never been revoked – is fragile, especially as Ms Hia’s case fades from public memory.
Kota Bharu is also known as the Islamic City. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
RISE OF THE “MORAL POLICE”
In Malaysia, policies on modest clothing, checks on unmarried couples, the closing down of 4D betting shops, and religious “moral policing” by the authorities are making Ms Siti Kasim fear for her country’s future.
The lawyer is worried that the path of “Islamisation” taken by the country’s politicians will slowly and surely change the Malaysian way of life.
Miss Siti Kasim, an outspoken critic of Islamic religious authorities, said that the imposition of religion was becoming more and more rampant in the country, used and promoted by politicians.
“The problem is these people want to enact more laws to control us. Politicians allow this religious sort of morality to be imposed on us and we have to follow them. The governments are putting these laws in place. So, it is part of political Islam,” she said.
Kelantan and Terengganu states, which have shown the strongest support for the Islamist party Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) for decades, have come under the microscope for some of their policies regarding social practices. Critics say they were tantamount to moral policing.
Muslims make up more than 95 per cent of the population in states such as Kelantan and Terengganu, higher than the 63.5 per cent in Malaysia.
In July 2023 for example, an owner of a salon in Kota Bharu - the capital of Kelantan - was fined RM100 (US$ 21.20) for allowing her female worker to cut the hair of a Muslim male customer.
This incident occurred a month after a non-Muslim boutique owner was issued a summons for violating the council's bylaw on "indecent clothing" by wearing shorts in her shop.
The woman was pictured wearing a baggy t-shirt that covered her shorts.
She had committed an offence under Section 34(2)(b) of the Business and Industrial Trade Bylaws 2019, which states non-Muslim business owners and non-Muslim employees must wear “decent clothes”.
After the incident made headlines, the Minister of Housing and Local Government Nga Kor Ming said that the summons was cancelled following a discussion with the local council.
These bylaws that supposedly emphasise Islamic values were enforced and implemented by the Kota Bharu Municipal Council and also prohibit advertisements that do not cover the modesty of models.
Cinemas have also been banned in Kelantan since 1990 - the year PAS won the state - with various government representatives claiming over the years that cinemas could lead to social ills.
Female PAS supporters attend a political rally at Sultan Muhamad IV Stadium in Kota Bharu Kelantan on Jul 21, 2023. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Terengganu, meanwhile, has banned women from competing in gymnastics events because of their non-Syariah compliant outfits. Instead, several of their Muslim women gymnasts were offered places to compete in the Chinese martial arts wushu event at the 2024 Malaysia Games.
“The moral police are pushing the boundaries until they get what they want. The majority of Malays, especially the young, have been indoctrinated to a certain way of thinking,” claimed Ms Siti Kasim.
Permatang Pauh MP Muhammad Fawwaz Muhammad Jan, who is with PAS, protested alcohol being sold openly at a mall in his constituency during the Chinese New Year celebrations last year.
Over the years, other politicians from PAS and religious groups have made headlines for their statements protesting Valentine's Day and Halloween.
In 2016, then-PAS Youth chief Nik Mohamad Abduh Nik Abdul Aziz said that Muslim youths should not celebrate Valentine's Day as it went against the teachings of the Islamic religion.
Even the Department of Islamic Development Malaysia (Jakim) has over the years reminded Muslims not to celebrate the occasion as it is not part of Islamic culture.
More recently, Coldplay, Billie Eilish and Blackpink concerts held in Malaysia have not been spared either, with various statements by politicians saying that they would promote social ills such as LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) culture.
In May last year, Mr Nasrudin Hassan - a PAS central working committee member - called for the cancellation of a Coldplay concert in a Facebook post.
“Does the government want to nurture a culture of hedonism and perversion in this country?” asked Mr Nasrudin, adding that the concert would bring no benefit to “religion, race and country”.
The Facebook post was accompanied by images of lead vocalist Chris Martin holding a rainbow flag - which is used to represent the LGBT community - during a performance.
THE PRICE OF SPEAKING UP
Discriminatory policies in both countries do not stop at clothing or cultural trends.
Several regencies and cities across Indonesia’s West Sumatra also put the ability to read the Islamic holy book Quran – which is written in Arabic – as a requirement to graduate elementary school or enter junior high school.
Mdm Belvan Sihombing, a Christian who came to West Sumatra in 2022, said she was dumbfounded when her son came home from elementary school one day with homework on Islamic studies.
“My son was forced to learn about fiqh,” the mother of two told CNA, referring to the study on Islamic jurisprudence. “I went (to my son’s school) and talked to the teacher. Thank God they listened.”
But not everyone is willing to listen and the backlash for speaking up can be life-threatening.
Ms Hia’s father, Mr Elianu Hia, said he received countless death threats on Facebook and WhatsApp after his daughter’s case became national news.
“Some wanted to kill me. Some wanted to evict me from Padang City. I was worried (about my family’s safety). That was why I thought about moving (from West Sumatra),” said the 54-year-old father of six, adding that the case also affected his air conditioner repair shop, with many of his longtime customers too afraid to do business with him.
Mr Hia said he decided to stay after several government and law enforcement officials came to his house and ensured his family’s safety.
Mr Elianu Hia received death threats after he spoke up against the discrimination endured by his daughter Jenny who was forced to wear the hijab at her public school despite being a Christian. (Photo: CNA/Wisnu Agung Prasetyo)
Also receiving death threats was Mdm Zubaidah Djohar, who was born and raised in West Sumatra but has since moved to Jakarta.
The 50-year-old poet and author spoke at an online discussion in 2021 in which she criticised schools, universities and public institutions in West Sumatra for offering scholarships and special enrolment programmes for people who could memorise the Quran.
She felt that the programmes discriminated against non-Muslim candidates who might have more skills and competence than students who could memorise the Quran, known in Islam as hafiz.
During the discussion, Mdm Zubaidah engaged in a heated debate with a local cleric and a member of the Indonesian Council of Ulamas, the country’s most influential Islamic organisation.
“People who felt they were the holiest and most righteous took offence at my criticism. They also took offence that I was wearing headscarves but I still show my hair and neck,” Mdm Zubaidah told CNA.
The poet said she received countless death threats after the discussion. Some conservative Muslims went as far as creating Facebook groups to discuss ways to assassinate her.
“I don’t want to go back to West Sumatra. People there will only listen to the elite few. Their words are worshipped while dissenting opinions are sidelined or even condemned,” she said.
Worshippers gather for Friday prayers at a mosque in Sungai Tarab, West Sumatra, Indonesia. (Photo: CNA/Wisnu Agung Prasetyo)
RISE OF INTOLERANCE IN WEST SUMATRA
West Sumatra’s Solok Regency became the first area in Indonesia to issue Syariah-inspired regulations in 2001, requiring students to be able to read the Quran if they wish to graduate.
A year later, the same regency issued a regulation mandating the use of the hijab in schools, public offices and government events.
Both regulations do not mention an exemption for non-Muslims.
Human Rights Watch recorded that since 2001, more than 700 Syariah-inspired regulations and decrees have been passed across Indonesia. In some cases, the regulations were word-for-word copies of the ones issued by Solok Regency.
Mr Hardi Siswan, a politician and member of the Minangkabau customary council said the regulations and policies were simply a reflection of the norms and values observed by the people of West Sumatra and urged non-Muslims and migrants to comply.
“We have a saying, ‘wherever our feet are planted, from there the sky is reached’. Wherever we reside, we have to adhere to the laws and ways observed by the local people,” he said.
But Mr Sudarto of Pusaka disagrees. He believes public officials and the regulations they issue must be inclusive and accommodate everyone regardless of their religion and background.
“Can public officials who are financed by taxpayers’ money regardless of their religion, ensure justice for all?” he said.
“The basic feature of a democracy is diversity. Can they manage this diversity on the principles of equality and justice?”
Cinema seating in Terengganu is segregated by gender. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
ANALYST: ISSUES RAISED REVOLVE AROUND MORALITY
Similarly, political analyst and co-founder of Malaysian pollster Merdeka Center, Ibrahim Suffian, has observed regional regulations shaped by public morals considered sinful in Islam such as gambling, alcohol use, and khalwat (close proximity).
He said that these issues are technically not criminal in a civil sense but would be considered criminal under Syariah laws.
“I think so long as there is competition between the main Malay parties for the Malay electorate, they will always use Islam to try and obtain political support.
“Malays are for the most part Muslim and it is an important part of their identity. When there are conservative issues that supposedly incorporate Islam, they are trying to show that they are a party that can be trusted,” he said, adding that PAS was the main party at the forefront of political Islam.
Gambling premises under PAS' jurisdiction are prohibited from operating. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
All four states led by PAS have banned operations of gambling shops.
The northern state of Perlis shut its last 4D outlet in early March. It had been under Barisan Nasional (BN) rule until the Nov 2022 elections when Perikatan Nasional (PN) won power.
PN consists of PAS, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), and Parti Gerakan Malaysia (Gerakan), although the latter does not have any seats in the state.
According to news reports, there were six such shops in Perlis but all were shut down after the PAS-led government decided not to renew operating licences for these outlets.
Perlis State Housing and Local Government Committee chairman Fakhrul Anwar Ismail was quoted in local media as saying the state government viewed the move as necessary for “social harmony” even though it had to forgo an annual sum of RM2,544 of revenue from operating licences.
It became the fourth state under a PAS-led administration to stop issuing licences for gaming outlets, after Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah.
Kedah’s 45 gaming shops were closed in 2023 after the state decided not to renew the licences of such premises, with local media reporting Chief Minister Sanusi Md Nor saying that the people would have to vote for BN or Pakatan Harapan (PH) to reopen these outlets.
Kelantan and Terengganu had banned these establishments in the states in 1990 and 2020 respectively.
Some political observers felt growing conservatism in the country was one of the factors that resulted in PAS being the biggest winner in Malaysia’s 2022 general election, winning 43 seats, the most held by a single party.
This was more than double the 18 seats it captured in the 2018 election.
The party repeated its stellar performance during the elections in six Malaysian states in August 2023, winning 117 of the 127 seats it contested, and extending its reach beyond its traditional stronghold of the Malay-belt states of Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah. It also made inroads into states like Penang and Selangor.
ANALYST: YOUNGER NON MUSLIMS IN CERTAIN STATES NOT WILLING TO LIVE WITH RESTRICTIONS
The elderly Chinese communities in states such as Kelantan and Terengganu accept the fact that they are a minority and are willing to live with restrictions, as long as they're allowed to practise their faith and festivals behind closed doors, believes Professor of Asian Studies at University of Tasmania James Chin.
“But for the younger ones, what is very clear to me is that they're not willing to live with increasing restrictions. A lot of them claim it is about economic opportunities, but I suspect a bigger part of it is actually the social restrictions and the fear that things will actually get worse for the non-Muslim community,” he said.
Non-Muslims in both states who spoke to CNA generally felt there was nothing to be afraid of with PAS, although they hoped for fewer limitations.
Mdm Si Kaycee, 61, who runs a minimart in Kuala Terengganu’s Kampung Cina said it was unfortunate that various restrictions were placed on everyone in the state.
She said her two daughters have moved to Singapore and Klang Valley, where they are earning a better living.
“It’s unfair but we adapt, those who struggle to adapt are the younger generation … They don’t agree to live with these restrictions … I still see them but it’s a shame they were forced to move away from their hometown for a better life,” she said.
She said that there were certain regulations, such as gender-segregated cinemas and swimming pools, that were not enforced but still unnerving.
“When we go to cinemas in groups we would just sit together. It is unsettling that there's this law but we learn to live with it,” she said.
She, however, insisted that residents were not scared of PAS as they are not the Taliban, the fundamentalist group in Afghanistan.
Mdm Jennifer Ang speaks with CNA during an interview in Kuala Terengganu. (Photo: CNA/Zamzahuri Abas)
Mdm Jennifer Ang, chairman of Terengganu Kopitiam and Restaurant associations, claimed that many non-Muslims found ways to gamble, including going to states such as Pahang to do so.
The owner of the T-Homemade Café - a kopitiam in Kampung Cina, Kuala Terengganu - said there were also those who did it illegally.
She hopes, however, that the state government does more to draw tourists by organising more programmes. A recent event was the Chap Goh Mei festival, a Chinese Valentine’s Day celebration, in the city.
“Malays and Indians were also celebrating it with us. But it was just one night in a long while. I hope we can do it at least once a month, to celebrate Chinese festivals. It should (organise more activities) to boost tourism … make it like Melaka’s Jonker Street,” she said, referring to the bustling Chinatown street in the southern state.
A Kelantanese antiques seller who wanted to be known only as Mr Bhavin, 73, said he wasn’t affected by the ban on gambling as he does not gamble, but has had to save watching movies for when he travels out of the state.
“It’s a shame they don’t have any cinemas here. They don’t allow busking and music too,” he said.
But moving away is out of question as his family and business are in the state. He said he is able to make a good living there.
“We hope PAS will reduce restrictions for non-Muslims, and only place prohibition on Muslims because the (Syariah) law should not apply to us,” he said.
REGULATIONS DEPEND ON WHAT LOCAL COMMUNITY WANTS: PAS INFO CHIEF
PAS information chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari told CNA that certain regulations were drawn up because locals wanted them.
“It depends on the societies that have those sorts of values. If PAS becomes part of the government, it will look at the acceptance of the locals on these issues,” he said.
He said that when PAS was part of the Selangor government from 2008 to 2015, it did not seek to impose any conservative regulations.
Mr Ahmad Fadhli also said that there was a perception that PAS only focused on morality and religion. “Some of our statements on these issues are raised but when we speak on issues such as the economy, it would often be ignored," he said.
“It’s as if PAS only speaks about religious things or moral policing. PAS is more than that and Kelantan is the best testimony for that. In Kelantan, non-Muslims are not disturbed or (have a way of living) forced onto them."
PAS information chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari at the Malaysia parliament. (Photo: CNA/ Rashvinjeet S Bedi)
PAS was part of the Pakatan Rakyat coalition with Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and the Democratic Action Party (DAP) before the coalition was dissolved in 2015.
“In Kelantan, the community is different. If we are given the chance to govern Malaysia, it’s not as if we would make Kelantan the benchmark. The benchmark would be how comfortable the local community is with the situation.
“Nonetheless, there will be certain regulations that would have to be adhered to. Even the freedom of (dressing) is not absolute ... when Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Barisan Nasional (BN) are ruling, there are limitations as well.
“For example, can you wear shorts in parliament? You can’t. Can you wear a skirt? No. This means that certain limitations have been introduced. That is the duty of the government to evaluate,” he said.
Additional reporting by Amir Yusof
Political Islam: As insurgency drags on in Thailand’s Deep South, a new generation is swept up in the conflict
In the last of a five-part series on political Islam in Southeast Asia, CNA takes a deep dive into the long-running insurgency in Thailand’s Deep South and whether an end to the conflict may materialise under the civilian government of Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin. What are the wider implications for the region?
Police inspecting vehicles at a checkpoint in Yala, Thailand, part of the country's Deep South where a a separatist insurgency has killed more than 7,300 people since 2004. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Aqil Haziq Mahmud
02 Apr 2024 06:00AM(Updated: 03 Apr 2024 08:59AM)
PATTANI, Thailand: On Mar 14, security forces surrounded a rural house in Thailand’s Pattani province, deep in the country’s restive southern border region.
Officers negotiated with two armed men who had holed themselves in. The men were suspected insurgents, linked to separatist movements pushing for the region’s independence from the Thai state.
The officers asked community leaders and Muslim religious leaders in the village - located in the Sai Buri district - to help persuade the two men to surrender and lay down their arms, Thai PBS World reported.
These negotiations sometimes take hours, and when they fail, there is usually only one outcome. The security forces moved in to flush the suspects out. They took fire and fired back.
Officers shot one suspect dead and asked the other to surrender, but he declined. The firefight resumed briefly, before officers moved in again. They found the second suspect dead as well.
Investigators at the scene of a pipe bomb attack by suspected militants in Pattani. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak).
A few days before the Sai Buri raid, suspected militants lobbed pipe bombs into this petrol station cafe in Pattani where two policemen and a local government official were sitting. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Investigators at the scene of a pipe bomb attack by suspected militants in Pattani. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Investigators at the scene of a pipe bomb attack by suspected militants in Pattani. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Investigators at the scene of a pipe bomb attack by suspected militants in Pattani. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak).
A few days before the Sai Buri raid, suspected militants lobbed pipe bombs into this petrol station cafe in Pattani where two policemen and a local government official were sitting. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
A video of the incident from official sources, seen by CNA, showed operatives in bulletproof vests crouching behind pick-up trucks amid a constant rattle of flying bullets interspersed with a dramatic soundtrack.
On the same day, Facebook pages focused on developments in the southern border provinces posted about the men’s deaths and their funeral. They were described as “syahid”, which is Arabic for Muslim martyrs.
This incident was one of the latest in the decades-long insurgency in southern Thailand, which has killed more than 7,300 people since a renewed wave of violence erupted in 2004.
The conflict plays out in an area called the Deep South, referring to the southern border provinces of Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat and parts of Songkhla. These were part of an independent Malay sultanate named Patani before it was annexed by Thailand in 1909 under a treaty with Britain.
Patani Malays performing Ramadan evening prayers at Kru se - or Kerisek - mosque in Pattani, where militants suspected of conducting attacks sought refuge and were killed by security forces in 2004. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)Patani Malays performing Ramadan evening prayers at Kru se - or Kerisek - mosque in Pattani, where militants suspected of conducting attacks sought refuge and were killed by security forces in 2004. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
For decades since then, violence has flared on and off as armed rebel groups demanded independence for the ethnically Malay and predominantly Muslim region. Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) is currently the largest separatist group.
Independence remains BRN’s ultimate goal, but observers and former members said the group could be willing to accept some form of self-governance within the country, amid a realisation that the Thai state will never cede territory.
While the conflict primarily involves ethnicity and nationalism, the close link between ethnic and religious identity means it has taken on religious overtones.
Now in its 20th year since a renewed wave of violence that began in 2004, the conflict in Thailand’s Deep South is not the only hotspot in Southeast Asia against religious armed insurgencies.
One of the other places in the region where Islamic militants have resorted to violence is in the southern Philippines. Violence and conflict has plagued the region of Mindanao for decades as the government battled extremists and insurgents. The prolonged conflict has left the poverty incidence in the Mindanao region higher than the national average.
Ms Miriam Coronel-Ferrer (front left), chairperson of Philippine Government Peace Panel, and Mr Mohagher Iqbal (front right), chief negotiator for the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), exchange signed documents in Kuala Lumpur in…see more
The Muslim separatist Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) started fighting for an independent Moro nation in 1968 and signed a peace agreement with the Philippine government in 2014, withdrawing their fight for independence in exchange for enhanced autonomy in a Muslim region called the Bangsamoro, according to Reuters.
And while MNLF has come under the government fold, smaller militant groups including the violent Abu Sayyaf have continued to fight the government and wage sporadic attacks.
In both the cases of Mindanao and Southern Thailand, Malaysia has facilitated peace talks in line with its own security interests, due to the conflicts' proximity to its borders. Ethnic conflicts can spill across borders, cause mass migration and complicate foreign relations.
Observers note that Malaysia has been able to accomplish more in Mindanao’s peace process because of several factors, including how the Philippine government is more open towards third-party involvement.
CNA has reached out to the office of Mr Zulkifli Zainal Abidin, Malaysia's chief facilitator in the Thai peace dialogue, for comment.
With ongoing talks on the table to resolve the issue in Thailand’s Deep South, how has the interplay between religion and politics affected the lives of people there, and is permanent peace possible?
MARTYRDOM
Both the Thai government and BRN, however, were keen to play down the role of religion in this conflict.
A former BRN member told CNA the group’s fight for independence is predominantly centred around the Malay identity, but includes religious Islamic elements to attract foreign support, especially from Arab nations.
A representative of the Thai military said the conflict was not a “religious” one, as he highlighted that people of different religions live peacefully with each other in multicultural Thailand.
Major-General Pramote Prom-In, deputy commander of the Internal Security Operations Command in Southern Thailand, defended the implementation of special laws in the region. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
However, Major-General Pramote Prom-In, deputy commander of the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC) Region 4, warned against notions of martyrdom among insurgents. The 4th army covers the southern border provinces.
“We need to be careful about how these groups are going to children and telling them that if they do this, they will become martyrs and go to heaven,” he said through an interpreter at a media briefing for CNA.
“We need to be wary of this kind of mindset as it will make the peace process more difficult.”
On the other hand, a local activist who pools donations for family members of those slain by security forces said these cases were examples of extrajudicial killings.
Mr Zahari Abdul Wahab is a local activist who pools donations for suspected insurgents killed by Thai security forces. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Mr Zahari Abdul Wahab, 41, has recorded 73 such cases since 2020, when BRN announced a unilateral ceasefire as a goodwill gesture to let healthcare workers travel freely during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Despite appeals by local activists for the military to stand down and reciprocate BRN’s stance, the army at the time sent troops to hunt down BRN combatants staying in remote villages.
Mr Zahari said these suspected insurgents have never been convicted in a court of law, and they almost always die in the same circumstances as the incident in Sai Buri.
“On the surface, it feels like these people are not treated like human beings, so I feel sad. But as Muslims, they always pray that they get to be martyrs.” he told CNA.
“This is hard for me to understand as well. Their family members thank God that these men have entered martyrdom. But for us, we feel it’s unjust for them, so we criticise the government’s policies.”
A long road to lasting peace
Observers said incidents of violence have decreased since peace talks between Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) and the Thai state started in 2013. The talks have also yielded temporary ceasefires, but little else in the way of a lasting resolution.
At one of the most recent meetings hosted and mediated by Malaysia on Feb 7, 2024, the two sides agreed in-principle on an updated version of the Joint Comprehensive Plan Toward Peace (JCPP), a draft roadmap that includes reducing violence, public consultation and finding a political solution.
At the time, the parties also discussed a ceasefire from March to April, spanning the Muslim holy month of Ramadan and the Thai festival Songkran. There had been no updates since.
In a state visit to Thailand just days after, Malaysia Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said his government is committed to helping Thailand solve the long-running insurgency issue. Malaysia shares a common land border with Thailand.
“We have to appeal to all forces both in Thailand, and in the south and even some in Malaysia, to understand and appreciate that peace must be paramount, of paramount consideration,” Mr Anwar said, according to the Associated Press.
The military general Mr Pramote Prom-In and the former BRN member - both of whom have direct knowledge of the latest negotiations - told CNA that a ceasefire has not been agreed, with both sides having different demands and expectations.
For example, BRN is asking the military to pull out of the three provinces, but the military wants a ceasefire first to see if incidents of violence can be dialled down, before implementing further measures to restore normalcy.
Mr Pramote, who is on the government’s negotiating team, said there are plans to open a “public space” for residents with political opinions. Civil society organisations and private firms have also been asked to support the dialogue.
Both sides are holding technical discussions and trying to reach a “compromise” on how to move forward under the JCPP, he said, calling the situation positive for future discussions.
The two parties will meet again from Apr 28 to Apr 30, he said, though he declined to provide specifics as both sides have agreed to speak publicly only in broad terms.
When pressed about plans for a ceasefire, Mr Pramote said this was “difficult” to achieve, as he alluded to how the BRN could take up arms indiscriminately, while security forces needed to follow the law.
Nevertheless, Mr Pramote revealed that government negotiators have a one- to three-year plan to restore normalcy in the region, depending on how quickly incidents of violence dwindle.
This would involve, in phases, lifting the emergency decree in more districts, letting insurgents turn themselves in without getting prosecuted, and eventually disbanding security forces while retraining them in other jobs, he said.
“But at each phase, we will face difficulties. It is the same everywhere in the world,” he added. “The most important thing is we must continue the dialogue and inform the public.”
COMPLEXITIES
In a way, the contrasting sentiments on these deaths highlight the complexity of the conflict and why it is so difficult to resolve, with clashing ideologies rooted in historical incidents of violence and discrimination.
Over the years, insurgents have carried out drive-by shootings and bombings targeting security forces or certain businesses, with these attacks sometimes taking place in crowded places and causing civilian casualties.
Patani Malays - who are predominantly Sunni Muslims - on the other hand accuse security forces of routine abuses. These include arbitrary and extended detentions without charge as well as extrajudicial killings in a region subjected to special laws that give forces extra powers and near-blanket immunity for their actions in the line of duty.
The special regulations are martial law, internal security act and emergency decree. The latter lets security forces detain suspects without charge for up to 30 days, and grants the government broad powers to censor the news.
Critics accuse the numerous checkpoints in Thailand's Deep South of creating a culture of fear among locals. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Critics accuse the numerous checkpoints in Thailand's Deep South of creating a culture of fear among locals. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Critics accuse the numerous checkpoints in Thailand's Deep South of creating a culture of fear among locals. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Critics accuse the numerous checkpoints in Thailand's Deep South of creating a culture of fear among locals. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Critics accuse the numerous checkpoints in Thailand's Deep South of creating a culture of fear among locals. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)Critics accuse the numerous checkpoints in Thailand's Deep South of creating a culture of fear among locals. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Mr Pramote said the special laws are in place to maintain peace and restrict the movement of armed groups, and that despite their broad powers, security forces must follow protocol during every stage of investigations. Their actions must also comply with a law against torture and enforced disappearance, he said.
While the general acknowledged that the deaths of suspected insurgents during raids could be perceived as extrajudicial killings, he said authorities are responsible for enforcing the law when rebels carry out attacks.
“When security forces meet these armed groups, these groups are ready to die. They don’t want to negotiate and prefer to fight to their death,” he said. “We feel sad these things happen, but we cannot avoid it.”
An academic who has done in-depth research on human rights issues in the conflict said Islam is not just a religious or ethnic marker for Patani Malays, but also a “cognitive prism” they use to make sense of their everyday life and the conflict itself.
Dr Pakkamol Siriwat told CNA these freedom fighters command respect among locals, with the notion of "syahid" reflected in their everyday lived experiences, from funeral processions to public commemorations like donations.
The senior policy advisor at the International Organisation for the Least Developed Countries (OIPMA) said the state’s counterinsurgency measures have significantly helped Patani Malays maintain an ethos of “collective victimhood” in the conflict.
“The prolonged nature of targeted violence and military response characterised by the heavy-handed approach of the Thai government, including military and emergency decrees, has often been cited as exacerbating tensions and fostering cycles of violence,” she added.
“The emergence of youth support and a new generation of freedom fighters are in many ways a backlash to the counterinsurgency measures by the Thai state.”
Locals shop at a wet market in Yala on the first day of Muslim holy month of Ramadan in 2024. The market was once bombed by insurgents. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Locals shop at a wet market in Yala on the first day of Muslim holy month of Ramadan in 2024. The market was once bombed by insurgents. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Locals shop at a wet market in Yala on the first day of Muslim holy month of Ramadan in 2024. The market was once bombed by insurgents. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Locals shop at a wet market in Yala on the first day of Muslim holy month of Ramadan in 2024. The market was once bombed by insurgents. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Locals shop at a wet market in Yala on the first day of Muslim holy month of Ramadan in 2024. The market was once bombed by insurgents. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Locals CNA spoke to seem to be divided on BRN’s use of violence in its campaign.
Some said the insurgency endangers even Patani Malays and their ability to go to work. Others said BRN’s actions compelled the state to give more recognition to their identity, by scrapping forced assimilation policies and allowing more equal opportunities in official jobs and education.
But they agree that the improvements need to go further, as they feel the military continues to stifle freedom of expression and association. Anyone suspected of supporting or promoting separatist movements could be surveilled or investigated for criminal offences, they said.
DISTRUST
For instance, a number of activists are being investigated by authorities after participating in a mass gathering organised by local non-governmental organisation Civil Society Assembly For Peace (CAP) in 2022 to promote Malay culture and commemorate Hari Raya.
CAP former leader Bung Aladi told CNA his organisation firmly disagrees with the use of violence to further the Patani Malay cause.
At the same time, the 42-year-old criticised peace talks for moving too slowly, as he hoped for the process to continue and pave the way to self-governance.
Under Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, the new Thai civilian government has appointed National Security Council deputy secretary-general Chatchai Bangchuad as chief negotiator, the first time in nine years the role is held by a civilian.
Mr Bung Aladi is the former leader of the Civil Society Assembly For Peace, a group that promotes Malay culture in southern Thailand. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
But as far as peace talks go, Mr Aladi is under no illusions that the new government will act any differently.
“This new government was formed through a democratic process, but the truth is the military still holds a lot of power,” he said.
If Thai authorities are sincere about the peace dialogue, they should try to minimise prosecutions meant to chill expression of opinion, said Dr Rungrawee Chalermsripinyorat, a lecturer at the Institute for Peace Studies in Prince of Songkla University’s Hat Yai campus.
“But in reality, the military is not always following other agencies. The National Security Council might be leading the peace dialogue, but then on the ground is ISOC,” she said.
“The government still cannot really ensure that whatever the peace dialogue panel says will really happen on the ground,” Dr Rungrawee said, adding that this needs to be addressed before public consultation starts.
“Because otherwise, the BRN and also people who will take part in the process will not trust the process.”
SELF-GOVERNANCE
The former BRN member, who spent 20 years in its military wing and is considered a third-generation leader, told CNA that the group will reject a ceasefire as long as the dialogue is held under the ambit of the Thai constitution, which counts separatism as a serious violation.
“My opinion is that our fighters today still firmly stand for full independence,” said the 53-year-old man, who only wanted to be known as Abdulloh because he feared reprisal from other members for speaking to the media.
“But if the negotiations in Malaysia lead to autonomy, I think our people will accept it in the spirit of compromise.”
Youths from an Islamic religious school walking along a street in Pattani. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Mr Abdulloh, who said he personally knows most of the people on BRN’s current negotiating team, said the group is asking the military to pull back its troops from the three provinces, and grant immunity to some of BRN’s wanted members so they can take part in the peace process.
Instead, government negotiators are asking BRN to agree to a ceasefire and stop conducting attacks, he said.
“The talks don’t go beyond the constitution, which states that land cannot be divided. So, how can the talks lead to a ceasefire?” he asked.
Mr Abdulloh suggested that BRN could accept two forms of self-governance within the Thai state: Full autonomy with open elections, or partial autonomy in less security-sensitive areas like economic development and education, but with elections reserved for BRN members.
“The conflict will never end if there is no independence,” he added. “This is the big picture, but I am confident that if our representatives are offered autonomy, they will accept it.”
PUBLIC PRESSURE
Mr Pramote said challenges with the peace process include public fears that the government could lose out to separatist groups and compromise national interests.
Dr Asama Mungkornchai, a political science lecturer at Prince of Songkla University’s Pattani campus, said BRN’s demands for self-governance could be described as decentralisation, a governance concept she said is “nothing new”.
“But the main problem is that the Thai state and most Thai people think they will lose Thai territory if they give self-determination here,” she told CNA.
“We have implanted the Thai nationalist concept in the Thai people’s psyche since a long time ago.”
Dr Asama believes Islamophobia also plays a role in stoking this sentiment, citing hate speech against Muslims on social media that she thinks are from actual Thai people and not information operations.
Dr Asama Mungkornchai, a political science lecturer at Prince of Songkla University, said it is tough to resolve the conflict as the military benefits from substantial government funding. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Ms Busyamas Isadun, a Buddhist, grew up in Narathiwat before moving to Yala, where she has lived for the past 55 years.
The 57-year-old said the conflict has not made her fear Muslims or Islam as a religion, believing that the rebels do not hate non-Muslims but are fighting for what they feel are their rights.
“We know that we can speak normally with members of these groups. Non-Muslim religious groups have actually reached out to the BRN a few times to ask how their safety can be guaranteed,” she said.
Ms Busyamas recounted how after separatist attacks started creeping into the southern cities, non-Muslim residents started moving out in droves to places like Hat Yai, fearing they could be targets.
She estimated that there used to be 500,000 non-Muslims living in the Deep South, compared to the 80,000 now. Over the years, ethnic Thai Buddhists - including civilians like teachers - have been targeted in retaliatory attacks.
Ms Busyamas Isadun, a Buddhist resident living in Yala, said insurgent attacks have traumatised some non-Muslims. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
The current situation has left Ms Busyamas feeling “uncomfortable”, especially as she knows non-Muslims living in the suburbs could still be vulnerable to retaliatory attacks by armed groups after the recent raid in Sai Buri.
“We know that in the next few days there will definitely be payback. Targets could be Buddhists who are working as police officers or rangers,” she said.
Ultimately, Ms Busyamas said she does not place any hope in the peace dialogue as previous iterations have failed to yield anything substantial, with the public kept in the dark about whether the BRN’s demands were accepted or rejected.
“Don’t forget that the people sent (by the state) to the peace dialogue have no power to make any decision. When they return, they must report to the central government,” she said.
“Whether the central government sees the peace dialogue as important or not, we don’t know.”
POLITICAL WILL
Dr Rungrawee from the Institute of Peace Studies said she does not see political will from the current government to resolve the conflict.
The Thai prime minister’s recent visit to the Deep South near the end of February focused more on issues like economic development and tourism, she said.
“But we cannot really have full economic development in the area if there is no sustained peace,” she added.
“We still do not really see strong leadership from the current government led by Srettha Thavisin and the Pheu Thai party. The government has not really shown any clear stand on the peace talks.”
Locals flock to a Ramadan bazaar in Pattani. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Dr Pakkamol, the human rights researcher, said political instability and changing governments in Thailand could lead to shifts in policies and priorities regarding the conflict, affecting the continuity of and commitment to peace talks.
For instance, the BRN put peace talks on hold ahead of the general election on May 14 last year, as the group wanted the political situation to be more stable before the process could continue.
The election season saw military reform become a major topic of conversation, particularly among youth, as Move Forward Party leader Pita Limjaroenrat pledged to “demilitarise” the country.
After Move Forward emerged as the surprise winner of the election, in a resounding rejection of more than a decade of rule by the military and a military-backed government, Mr Pita was asked if his party would allow the Deep South to break away from Thailand.
He replied that the problem was rooted in the livelihoods of local people, a response that was criticised by his progressive voters on social media as not being brave enough, noted a Benar News commentary by Deep South security analyst Don Pathan.
Thailand's Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin reads his government's policy statement in his maiden parliament appearance in Bangkok on Sep 11, 2023. (Photo: AP/Sakchai Lalit)
Conservative opponents and a military-appointed upper house Senate then twice rejected Mr Pita’s bid to get voted by parliament as prime minister, leading to a split in Move Forward’s coalition with election runners-up Pheu Thai.
Pheu Thai went on to form the government with military-allied parties and senators, while Move Forward ended up in the opposition.
In March, the Election Commission of Thailand sought to dissolve Move Forward over concerns that its reformist election campaign to change the law against insulting the monarchy undermines the country’s governance.
The commission’s decision followed a Constitutional Court ruling in January that the party had violated Thailand’s constitution with its plans to change the country’s lèse-majesté laws, which forbids offence or defamation against a ruling head of state.
A student in Yala. (Photo: CNA/Fadza Ishak)
Dr Rungrawee said political leaders need to show strong support for the peace process to create a conducive atmosphere for talks to progress.
“It would need the government to say whether they are willing to consider political autonomy,” she said.
“If there is no will to give substantive power to the region, it is going to be hard for the peace dialogue to make any meaningful agreement.”
Dr Pakkamol said confidence-building measures, such as reducing military presence and addressing human rights abuses, could help build the trust necessary for meaningful negotiations.
“However, exploring options for greater autonomy or decentralisation that respect cultural and religious identifications and addressing the social injustices faced by the Patani Malay community could be the key to resolving the conflict,” she said.
“In this matter, I believe that neutral international mediators could help facilitate dialogue, ensure the enforcement of agreements, and monitor the implementation of peace accords to ensure progressively the achievement of any form of sustainable peace in the region.”
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