Pendatang no need to be loyal to country?

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Pendatang no need to be loyal to country?

KUALA LUMPUR, March 17, 2025: An obviously frustrated pendatang (immigrant) wrote that he/she did not cast his/her ballot in Selangor in the last state elections.

The pendatang wrote that there was no need for him/her to love or be loyal to this country. Just pay the taxes and abide by the laws as needed. No need to care for or worry about the well being or future of this country.

 

The pendatang’s views and opinions are now being circulated in Facebook:

Maha Teh

*Very good analysis. I wonder who wrote this.*

•I didnt vote in the last Selangor state election and have NO plans to vote again. I am constantly reminded that I am a pendatang time and time again.

•And that has sunk into my mind quite nicely and made me feel good being a pendatang bcoz there is NO need for pendatangs to love or be loyal to this cuntry. Just pay the taxes and abide by the laws as needed. No need to care for or worry about the well being or future of this cuntry.

•After all, the Melaka Sultanate didnt last beyond 111 years. What makes some people think that their only cuntry will last forever.

Just saying.

>>>>>>>>

Sent as forwarded:

>>>>>>>>

In GE15 (2022), Malay votes were fragmented across five main parties: PAS, Bersatu, UMNO, PKR, and Amanah. Here’s an estimate of their Malay voter share based on their parliamentary seat wins and vote distributions:

Estimated Malay Vote Share in GE15

PAS - 38 to 40%

Bersatu - 18 to 20%

UMNO - 26 to 26%

PKR - 10 to 12%

Amanah - 4 to 5%

Key Takeaways

1. PAS was the biggest winner, securing almost 40% of Malay votes.

2. Bersatu performed decently but relied heavily on PAS’ machinery.

3. UMNO lost significant ground but still had a quarter of Malay support.

4. PKR struggled among Malays, only retaining 10-12%, mainly in urban or mixed seats.

5. Amanah was nearly irrelevant among Malay voters.

This fragmentation led to a hung Parliament, forcing coalitions to negotiate post-election alliances. If Bersatu collapses before GE16, PAS and UMNO will absorb most of its Malay votes, further consolidating Malay political power.

The Malay vote distribution is largely saturated among the five main parties (PAS, Bersatu, UMNO, PKR, and Amanah). The Malay electorate is already polarized, and any major shifts will be difficult.

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Why the Malay Vote is Saturated

1. Deep Party Loyalty & Fixed Support Bases

• PAS dominates the religious-conservative Malay base, especially in the east coast and rural northern states.

• UMNO still holds on to its older and rural Malay supporters, despite its decline.

• Bersatu took UMNO defectors but is now struggling as its role overlaps with PAS.

• PKR and Amanah have limited appeal among Malays, mostly in urban or mixed seats.

2. Limited Swing Potential

• The core voter base of PAS, UMNO, and PKR rarely changes sides—most Malay voters either stay loyal or abstain if they lose confidence.

• Bersatu’s Malay support is volatile, but if it collapses, those votes will mostly go back to PAS or UMNO, not create a new swing force.

3. Malay Identity Politics is Dominant

• Malay voters are heavily influenced by race and religion, making it harder for a new narrative to disrupt their current party preferences.

• Any party hoping to gain more Malay votes must play within this identity framework—which is already monopolized by PAS and UMNO.

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Is There Room for Change?

Small shifts can happen, but major realignments are difficult.

1. Bersatu’s collapse could benefit PAS and UMNO.

• If Bersatu weakens further, PAS will absorb its conservative Malay voters, while UMNO could regain some of its former supporters.

2. UMNO’s internal crisis might create instability.

• If Zahid Hamidi loses control, a new UMNO faction could emerge, causing a small realignment.

• However, UMNO is unlikely to regain dominance—it will remain one of several Malay power centers, not the dominant one.

3. Young Malay voters are unpredictable.

• Many young Malays are rejecting traditional politics and either abstain or vote based on economic issues.

• A new, youth-focused movement could disrupt the status quo, but it must be independent of PAS-UMNO-Bersatu influence.

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Final Verdict: Any Big Changes in Malay Votes?

• Unlikely in the short term—the five-party division is stable for now.

• The only major shift possible is Bersatu collapsing, which will mostly benefit PAS and UMNO, not create a new force.

• If any change happens, it will come from youth discontent or economic issues, but this will take time to develop.

The Malay vote battle is locked in—any real shift will come from the collapse of a major party or a completely new political force.

Anwar’s strategy of competing with PAS on conservatism and Islam is a losing battle, and it shows his political blindness or desperation.

Why Anwar’s Islamic Strategy is Doomed to Fail

1. PAS Owns the Islamic Narrative

• No matter how much Anwar tries to appear more Islamic, PAS will always be seen as the “real” Islamic party.

• PAS has spent decades building religious credibility—Anwar’s sudden Islamic push looks like an opportunistic move.

• Malay conservatives will never trust him more than PAS when it comes to Islam.

2. PH’s Core Supporters are Alienated

• Non-Malays and progressive Malays voted for PH because they saw it as a moderate, multiracial alternative.

• By pushing Islamic policies, Anwar risks losing his own base—DAP supporters, urban Malays, and progressives who do not want Malaysia to become more theocratic.

• Instead of gaining Malay votes, he might lose more Chinese and Indian votes to Warisan or independents.

3. Malay Voter Sentiment is Already Set

• Malay votes are already saturated among PAS, UMNO, Bersatu, PKR, and Amanah.

• If Malays wanted an Islamic leader, they would have voted PAS directly—not Anwar.

• By trying to “out-Islam” PAS, he just looks weak and unprincipled, making him less credible to both Malays and non-Malays.

4. Economic Issues Matter More Now

• The Malay middle and lower classes are suffering from economic hardship—inflation, weak job opportunities, and declining business prospects.

• Instead of focusing on economic solutions, Anwar is using religion to distract from his failures.

• PAS can afford to focus on religion because it has strong grassroots welfare networks—Anwar has no such grassroots strength to back up his Islamic rhetoric.

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Anwar’s Mistake: Chasing an Impossible Goal While Losing His Own Base

• Malay conservatives will never accept him over PAS.

• Non-Malay and progressive voters feel betrayed by his increasing Islamic tone.

• The economy is getting worse, and instead of solving real problems, Anwar is wasting time competing in religious posturing.

If he continues this path, the result could be:

1. PAS gaining even more Malay votes, because they remain the “real” Islamic party.

2. DAP losing more Chinese support, leading to a political vacuum for non-Malay voters.

3. More Malaysians (of all races) becoming disillusioned with politics, increasing voter apathy in GE16.

Anwar’s failure to see the reality of voter saturation and his obsession with Islamic competition shows that he is either politically desperate or completely out of touch.

If Anwar had stuck to his original reform agenda, he could have solidified his core supporters and focused on governing effectively instead of trying to win over conservative Malays who will never truly accept him.

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Why Anwar Should Have Focused on Reform Instead of Chasing PAS Voters

1. His 12% Malay Support is Stable

• These are the urban, educated, and progressive Malays who support PH because of its reformist and moderate stance.

• They aren’t going anywhere, even if he stops trying to appeal to PAS voters.

2. Chinese Support for DAP Was Already Strong

• In GE15, DAP secured over 90% of Chinese votes.

• Even if some Chinese voters become disillusioned, they are not going to vote for PAS, UMNO, or Bersatu—so DAP’s support base is still relatively safe.

3. Reforms and Good Governance Would Have Strengthened His Position

• Instead of wasting time on religious posturing, he should have focused on:

• Economic recovery

• Institutional reforms

• Judicial independence

• Education system improvements

• Delivering real change would have made Malaysians trust him long-term, ensuring he remained in power beyond GE16.

4. His Competitors Would Have Struggled

• PAS and Bersatu rely on emotional, racial, and religious rhetoric—but if Anwar had fixed the economy, fewer people would have been swayed by PAS’ propaganda.

• UMNO is weak and divided—if Anwar had stuck to reform, UMNO voters disillusioned with Zahid could have shifted towards PKR instead of PAS or Bersatu.

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Instead, Anwar Made Three Fatal Mistakes:

1. Trying to “Out-Islam” PAS—which made him look weak and unprincipled.

2. Delaying Reforms—which disappointed his urban, non-Malay, and progressive supporters.

3. Focusing on Political Survival Instead of Governing Effectively—which made voters lose faith in his leadership.

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JUST SHARE VIRAL POST

Can He Still Win GE16?

• Yes, but only if he immediately pivots back to reforms and economic recovery.

• If he keeps chasing PAS voters and ignoring reforms, GE16 will be a repeat of GE15, with no clear majority and possible political instability.

Anwar had the chance to build a lasting legacy, but instead, he is wasting his time playing a game he cannot win. If he doesn’t change course soon, his rule might not last beyond one term.

March 14, 2025